Suicide of the West

Suicide of the West Plot Summary

Introduction

Liberal democracy represents one of humanity's most extraordinary achievements, yet it remains perpetually vulnerable to corruption from within. The tension between our tribal human nature and the requirements of a free society forms the central paradox explored throughout this analysis. While humans evolved to function in small, hierarchical groups bound by kinship and shared identity, modern liberty depends on institutions that treat individuals as moral equals regardless of group membership. This fundamental mismatch between our psychological wiring and our political aspirations explains why freedom remains rare and fragile in human history. Understanding this tension requires examining both the miracle of Western civilization and the tribal instincts that constantly threaten to undermine it. The institutions that created unprecedented prosperity and freedom - constitutional government, rule of law, markets, civil society - all require restraining our natural tendencies toward nepotism, corruption, and in-group favoritism. As these institutions weaken, we witness the return of tribal thinking in modern forms, from identity politics to populist movements that promise belonging at the expense of liberty. Preserving freedom demands recognizing its unnatural character and actively defending the cultural foundations that make it possible against our most primitive impulses.

Chapter 1: The Miracle of Western Civilization: An Unnatural Achievement

Modern liberal democracy represents a historical anomaly, a miracle that emerged against the backdrop of humanity's natural state of grinding poverty and violence. For most of human history, the average person lived on the equivalent of one to three dollars per day, with life expectancy rarely exceeding 35 years. This stark reality persisted for hundreds of thousands of years until approximately 300 years ago, when something unprecedented occurred in Western Europe, particularly England and the Netherlands. A new system emerged that valued individual rights, limited government, free markets, and the rule of law. This system created unprecedented prosperity and freedom. What makes this development miraculous is how thoroughly it contradicts human nature. Throughout history, the default political arrangement has been some form of tribalism, where power is concentrated in the hands of strongmen who reward their kin and supporters. The natural human tendency is toward nepotism, corruption, and in-group favoritism - all of which undermine the impartial institutions necessary for markets and democracy to function. Western civilization created a system that channels these tribal instincts in productive directions while restraining their destructive potential. This achievement was neither planned nor inevitable - it was a fortunate historical accident that created unprecedented human flourishing. The fragmentation of political power in Europe following the fall of Rome created competition between states that prevented any single authority from suppressing innovation. The separation of church and state following centuries of conflict created space for religious pluralism and intellectual freedom. English common law traditions emphasized individual rights and constraints on government power. The Lockean Revolution - named after philosopher John Locke - established the radical idea that individuals possess natural rights that precede government, and that political authority derives from the consent of the governed rather than divine right. This intellectual foundation, combined with the Protestant work ethic and emerging market institutions, created conditions for sustained economic growth and political liberty. Yet precisely because it runs counter to our tribal instincts, it remains perpetually vulnerable to erosion from within.

Chapter 2: Human Nature vs. Liberal Order: Our Tribal Instincts Return

Human beings evolved as tribal creatures. For most of our evolutionary history, we lived in small bands of hunter-gatherers where group solidarity was essential for survival. This tribal psychology remains hardwired in our brains, manifesting in our natural tendencies toward in-group favoritism, out-group hostility, and deference to authority figures who promise protection. These instincts served our ancestors well in a dangerous world, but they stand in tension with the principles of individual liberty and impersonal market exchange that underpin modern prosperity. Our tribal psychology manifests in what evolutionary psychologists call the "coalition instinct" - our tendency to form groups based on shared identity and to view the world through the lens of "us versus them." This instinct drives us to seek meaning through group membership and to derive our sense of self-worth from our status within the group. It also leads us to evaluate ideas not on their objective merits but on whether they benefit our tribe. When someone from an opposing tribe makes an argument, our instinctive reaction is hostility rather than rational evaluation. The miracle of Western civilization required creating institutions that channeled these tribal instincts in productive directions. The market economy redirected our competitive impulses toward serving others through voluntary exchange. Constitutional democracy channeled power struggles into peaceful competition for votes. The scientific method transformed the search for status into a quest for objective knowledge. These institutions didn't eliminate human nature but harnessed it in ways that produced unprecedented prosperity and freedom. However, these institutions remain fragile precisely because they run counter to our deepest instincts. When they fail to deliver expected benefits or when they seem to favor other "tribes," people naturally revert to more primitive forms of social organization. The corruption of Western civilization occurs when we abandon the unnatural principles that made the miracle possible and revert to the more natural state of tribal politics, where group identity trumps individual rights and reason gives way to passion. This reversion manifests in various modern movements that reject the universalist principles of liberal democracy in favor of particularist claims based on group identity. Both identity politics and populism divide society into warring tribes, evaluating arguments based on who makes them rather than their logical merit. Both treat political opponents not as fellow citizens with different views but as enemies who must be defeated at all costs. These movements gain strength from legitimate grievances but offer tribal solidarity as the solution rather than addressing problems within the framework of universal principles.

Chapter 3: Institutional Erosion: How Mediating Structures Protect Freedom

Between the individual and the state exists a vital ecosystem of mediating institutions - families, churches, civic organizations, local communities, and voluntary associations. These institutions serve as buffers against both the atomization of individuals and the centralization of state power. They provide meaning, belonging, and social capital that neither markets nor governments can supply, while teaching the habits of cooperation and self-governance essential for democracy to function. Mediating institutions constrain our tribal instincts by channeling them into constructive outlets. A church congregation, neighborhood association, or local charity allows people to express their natural desire for belonging and group identity without devolving into destructive tribalism. These institutions create spaces where people from different backgrounds can work together toward common goals, building social trust that extends beyond immediate family and kin. They also transmit the cultural values and virtues necessary for maintaining liberal democracy across generations. The decline of these mediating structures represents one of the most significant threats to liberal democracy. As family formation weakens, religious participation declines, and civic engagement diminishes, individuals increasingly look to either the market or the state to provide what these institutions once did. But neither can adequately substitute for the social capital these institutions generate. Markets provide material goods but not meaning; governments provide services but not community. The resulting vacuum creates space for more primitive forms of tribalism to reemerge. This institutional erosion creates a feedback loop: as mediating institutions weaken, people become more dependent on the state, which further weakens these institutions by assuming their functions. Churches that once provided social services see their role diminished as government programs expand. Families struggle to maintain cohesion against economic pressures and cultural changes that prioritize individual autonomy over mutual obligation. Civic organizations lose members to online communities that provide connection without commitment. The health of mediating institutions correlates strongly with social outcomes. Communities with strong families, religious participation, and civic engagement show lower rates of poverty, crime, and social dysfunction - regardless of government spending or economic conditions. These institutions generate social trust, which reduces transaction costs and enables cooperation without coercion. They also provide the moral formation necessary for maintaining the liberal order, teaching virtues like honesty, reciprocity, and delayed gratification that markets and democracy require but cannot themselves create.

Chapter 4: The Administrative State: Bureaucracy Beyond Constitutional Control

The modern administrative state represents a fundamental departure from constitutional government as originally conceived. Rather than a limited government of enumerated powers, we now have a vast bureaucracy that combines legislative, executive, and judicial functions in ways the founders explicitly warned against. This transformation occurred gradually over the 20th century, driven by progressive ideologies that viewed traditional constitutional constraints as outdated obstacles to efficient governance. Administrative agencies now create rules with the force of law, enforce those rules, and adjudicate disputes about them - all within the same institution. This concentration of power violates the separation of powers doctrine that was central to constitutional design. When the same entity makes, enforces, and interprets rules, the essential checks and balances that prevent tyranny are eliminated. Citizens facing regulatory action often find themselves in administrative proceedings where normal due process protections do not apply and where the agency serves as both prosecutor and judge. The scale of this transformation is staggering. Federal regulations now span over 175,000 pages, governing virtually every aspect of economic and social life. Most of these rules were never voted on by Congress but were instead promulgated by unelected bureaucrats with minimal accountability. The average citizen cannot possibly know all the rules that govern their behavior, yet can be punished for violating them under the legal principle that "ignorance of the law is no excuse." This regulatory apparatus imposes enormous costs on society. Compliance costs for federal regulations alone exceed $1.9 trillion annually - nearly 10% of GDP. These costs fall disproportionately on small businesses and entrepreneurs who lack the resources to navigate complex regulatory requirements. Large corporations, by contrast, often support regulations that raise barriers to entry and protect them from competition. This creates a form of crony capitalism where political connections matter more than market performance. Beyond economic costs, administrative overreach undermines the rule of law itself. When rules are so numerous and complex that compliance becomes impossible, enforcement necessarily becomes selective and arbitrary. This creates opportunities for corruption and abuse of power, as officials can target disfavored individuals or groups while ignoring violations by the politically connected. The resulting uncertainty undermines the predictability and neutrality that the rule of law requires. Perhaps most concerning is how administrative governance shifts power from democratic institutions to technocratic elites. Complex regulatory frameworks require specialized expertise, creating a class of administrators insulated from democratic accountability. These experts often share educational backgrounds, cultural values, and class interests distinct from the broader public, leading to policies that reflect their preferences rather than popular will. This administrative elite becomes a new tribe with its own interests and identity, undermining the constitutional system designed to prevent such concentrations of power.

Chapter 5: Identity Politics and Populism: Modern Manifestations of Tribalism

Identity politics and populism represent modern manifestations of our tribal psychology reasserting itself in the vacuum left by institutional decay. Both movements reject the universalist principles of the Western miracle in favor of particularist claims based on group identity. Both prioritize group solidarity over individual rights and reason. Both view society as a zero-sum competition between tribes rather than a positive-sum collaboration among individuals. Their rise signals a reversion to more natural forms of social organization as our unnatural civilization corrodes. Identity politics divides society into groups based on immutable characteristics like race, gender, and sexual orientation, then ranks these groups in a hierarchy of oppression. It rejects the Enlightenment ideal of evaluating individuals based on the content of their character rather than the color of their skin. Instead, it insists that group identity fundamentally determines one's perspective and interests. This worldview undermines the possibility of reasoned debate across group lines, as arguments are evaluated based on who makes them rather than their logical merit. It also corrodes social trust by encouraging people to view every interaction through the lens of power and privilege. Populism similarly divides society into warring tribes, but along different lines. Populists pit "the people" (defined as the authentic members of the nation) against "the elite" (portrayed as corrupt and self-serving). They claim to speak for the true will of the people while dismissing constitutional constraints as obstacles to that will. This approach rejects the Lockean understanding of rights as prior to government in favor of a Rousseauian vision where the general will trumps individual liberty. It treats political opponents not as fellow citizens with different views but as enemies of the people who must be defeated at all costs. Both movements gain strength from legitimate grievances. Many minority groups have indeed suffered historical injustices that continue to shape their opportunities. Many ordinary citizens have indeed been ignored by political and economic elites. But rather than addressing these grievances within the framework of universal principles and constitutional procedures, these movements reject that framework entirely. They offer the false promise that tribal solidarity can restore meaning and dignity in a complex world where traditional sources of both have eroded. The most dangerous aspect of these movements is how they mirror the tribal thinking that liberal democracy was designed to transcend. Traditional tribalism divided humanity into in-groups deserving loyalty and out-groups deserving suspicion. Modern identity politics and populism do the same, merely changing the basis of division. Both frameworks prioritize group loyalty over universal principles and view politics as a zero-sum competition between groups rather than a cooperative enterprise among citizens. This return to tribal thinking threatens the fragile achievement of liberal democracy precisely because it appeals to our natural psychological tendencies.

Chapter 6: Cultural Corruption: How Romanticism Undermines Reason

The Enlightenment values that undergird liberal democracy - reason, objectivity, individual rights, and the rule of law - have faced persistent challenge from romantic movements that elevate emotion, authenticity, collective identity, and the will to power. This tension between Enlightenment rationalism and romantic expressivism shapes our cultural and political landscape in profound ways, with the romantic impulse increasingly dominant in recent decades. Romanticism emerged in the late 18th century as a reaction against Enlightenment rationality, celebrating passion over reason, intuition over logic, and natural authenticity over artificial constraints. While the Enlightenment emphasized universal principles applicable to all humans, romanticism glorified particular identities, traditions, and collective spirits. Where Enlightenment thinkers sought to transcend tribal loyalties through reason, romantics celebrated these loyalties as sources of meaning and authenticity. This romantic impulse manifests across the political spectrum, from nationalist movements on the right to identity politics on the left. Popular culture amplifies these romantic tendencies. Hollywood consistently portrays heroes who follow their hearts rather than rules, who trust intuition over evidence, and who achieve justice through personal authenticity rather than institutional processes. From Dead Poets Society to countless superhero films, the message is consistent: systems constrain, while authentic self-expression liberates. This narrative undermines the cultural foundations of liberal democracy, which depends on citizens willing to subordinate immediate desires to abstract rules and principles. Higher education, once dedicated to cultivating rational citizenship, increasingly embraces romantic notions of knowledge as inseparable from identity and power. Critical theories that reject objectivity as a mask for domination gain influence, while traditional liberal arts education focused on developing rational capacities declines. Students learn to analyze everything through the lens of power relations between groups rather than evaluating arguments on their merits. This approach treats reason itself as merely a tool of oppression rather than a universal capacity that enables cooperation across difference. This cultural shift undermines the psychological foundations of liberal democracy. When feelings supersede facts, when group identity trumps individual rights, and when power analysis replaces reasoned debate, the common ground necessary for democratic deliberation erodes. Citizens increasingly view political opponents not as fellow citizens with different views but as existential threats to their identity and authenticity. Politics becomes a form of expressive therapy rather than a process for resolving differences through compromise. The romantic corruption of culture creates fertile ground for demagogues who appeal to emotion rather than reason, who promise tribal solidarity rather than individual liberty, and who portray politics as a struggle for group dominance rather than a system for peaceful coexistence. These appeals succeed precisely because they align with our natural tribal psychology, offering the comfort of belonging and the clarity of us-versus-them thinking in a complex world where traditional sources of meaning have eroded.

Chapter 7: Preserving Liberty: Fighting Our Natural Impulses

Preserving the Western miracle requires recognizing its fragility and actively defending its core principles against our tribal instincts. Unlike tribal societies that emerge naturally from human psychology, free and prosperous societies depend on unnatural institutions that must be consciously maintained. This maintenance demands both intellectual understanding of how these institutions work and emotional attachment to the values they embody. Without this combination of reason and sentiment, the gravitational pull of tribalism will inevitably reassert itself. Gratitude provides the essential emotional foundation for preserving liberty. Those who take prosperity and freedom for granted fail to appreciate the extraordinary achievement they represent. They focus on the inevitable imperfections of free societies rather than comparing them to the alternatives that dominated human history. This ingratitude makes them susceptible to utopian schemes that promise perfection but deliver tyranny. Cultivating gratitude requires educating citizens about the historical rarity of freedom and prosperity while connecting them to the traditions that made both possible. Institutional renewal forms the practical core of preserving liberty. We must strengthen the mediating structures that stand between individuals and the state - families, religious communities, civic associations, local governments, and markets. We must reform the administrative state to restore constitutional accountability and limit bureaucratic discretion. We must revitalize education to transmit both knowledge and values across generations, teaching students not just to criticize but to appreciate the inheritance they have received. Cultural confidence - the belief that our political and economic systems, despite their imperfections, represent genuine human progress worth defending - is essential to maintaining these achievements. When this confidence erodes, citizens become susceptible to radical alternatives that promise utopian solutions to complex problems. Both far-left and far-right movements exploit this loss of confidence, offering simplistic narratives that blame specific groups for societal challenges. Restoring this confidence requires neither uncritical celebration nor wholesale rejection of our inheritance, but a balanced understanding that acknowledges both achievements and ongoing challenges. The paradox of liberal democracy is that its success contributes to its vulnerability. By creating unprecedented prosperity and freedom, it raises expectations to levels that no human system can fully satisfy. Citizens who have never experienced the alternatives take freedom and prosperity for granted, focusing instead on remaining imperfections. This creates what Joseph Schumpeter called "the civilization of the dissatisfied" - a society where rising expectations outpace even remarkable progress. Most importantly, preserving liberty requires recognizing that freedom is not the natural state of human affairs but an unnatural achievement that runs counter to our tribal instincts. Each generation must consciously choose to maintain the institutions and values that make freedom possible, resisting the constant temptation to sacrifice liberty for security, principle for power, and the complex truths of liberal civilization for the simple falsehoods of tribal belonging.

Summary

The central insight emerging from this analysis is that liberal democracy represents a profound achievement that runs counter to our tribal human nature. The institutions that have created unprecedented freedom and prosperity - constitutional government, rule of law, markets, civil society - all require restraining our natural tendencies toward nepotism, corruption, and in-group favoritism. This creates an inherent fragility in the liberal democratic order, as it constantly battles against the gravitational pull of human nature toward tribal thinking. The miracle of Western civilization lies not in some inherent superiority but in its accidental discovery of institutional arrangements that channel tribal instincts in productive directions while restraining their destructive potential. These arrangements emerged through historical contingency rather than deliberate design, making them all the more remarkable - and all the more vulnerable to erosion when their foundations are forgotten or rejected. As mediating institutions weaken, administrative power expands, cultural confidence erodes, and identity politics resurges, we witness the return of tribal thinking in modern form. Preserving freedom requires recognizing both its unnatural character and its dependence on cultural foundations that transcend politics. The choice between tribal comfort and liberal freedom remains perpetually open, with each generation responsible for maintaining this improbable achievement against our most natural instincts.

About Author

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Jonah Goldberg

Jonah Jacob Goldberg is an American conservative syndicated columnist and author. Goldberg is known for his contributions on politics and culture to National Review Online, where he is the editor-at-large. He is the author of Liberal Fascism, which reached #1 on the New York Times Best Seller list.

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