A Very English Scandal

A Very English Scandal Plot Summary

Introduction

In the spring of 1979, Britain found itself transfixed by what newspapers dubbed "The Trial of the Century." At its center stood Jeremy Thorpe, the charismatic former leader of Britain's Liberal Party, facing charges of conspiracy and incitement to murder. How could a man who had once been within touching distance of high office find himself in the dock at the Old Bailey? The scandal that engulfed Thorpe represented more than just the fall of a single politician; it exposed the fault lines running through British society in the 1970s. This extraordinary tale takes us through the corridors of Westminster, the gentlemen's clubs of London, and the wild expanses of Exmoor, where a Great Dane named Rinka met her untimely end. It reveals how the British Establishment closed ranks to protect one of their own, and how the press, police, and judiciary all played their part in a drama that combined elements of farce and tragedy. Whether you're interested in political history, social change, or simply an astonishing human story of ambition, deception and downfall, this account offers a window into a Britain that was changing rapidly, yet still clung to its old hierarchies and prejudices.

Chapter 1: The Rising Star: Thorpe's Ascent to Liberal Leadership (1959-1967)

In 1959, a young barrister with a flair for the dramatic entered the House of Commons as the Member of Parliament for North Devon. Jeremy Thorpe, just thirty years old, cut a striking figure with his flamboyant dress sense, quick wit, and extraordinary talent for mimicry. Born into a Conservative family with strong political connections, Thorpe had chosen instead to join the Liberal Party, then a minor political force that had been in decline since the 1920s. Thorpe's rise within the Liberal Party was meteoric. His oratorical skills made him a formidable presence in Parliament, where he became known for his devastating attacks on the Conservative government. He was particularly outspoken on issues of racial equality and colonial independence, positions that marked him as progressive for the time. In private, however, Thorpe lived with a dangerous secret: he was homosexual at a time when homosexual acts were still illegal in Britain (they would only be partially decriminalized in 1967). By 1965, Thorpe had become a key figure in the Liberal Party's leadership, cultivating an image as a dynamic modernizer who could appeal to younger voters. He developed close relationships with wealthy donors, particularly Jack Hayward, a Bahamas-based businessman who would later provide substantial funding for the party. Thorpe also formed a close friendship with fellow Liberal MP Peter Bessell, who would later describe him as possessing "a remarkable capacity for inspiring not just loyalty in his friends but something far more than that – a willingness to endanger, even sacrifice, themselves on his behalf." In January 1967, following the resignation of Jo Grimond, Thorpe achieved his ambition of becoming Leader of the Liberal Party. At just 37, he seemed to represent a new generation of politicians who could break the two-party dominance of British politics. The press adored him for his colorful personality and quotable remarks. Yet beneath the charming exterior lay a complex character with what one observer called "the stamp of one defect" – a recklessness that would eventually lead to his downfall. As his political star rose, the seeds of that downfall had already been sown in a chance meeting with a young stable boy named Norman Scott.

Chapter 2: A Dangerous Relationship: Thorpe and Scott's Fateful Connection (1961-1970)

In late 1960, a troubled young man named Norman Scott (then known as Norman Josiffe) was working as a stable boy when he met Jeremy Thorpe through a mutual acquaintance. Scott was twenty years old, strikingly handsome, and emotionally vulnerable. According to Scott's later testimony, Thorpe quickly seduced him, beginning a relationship that would eventually destroy the politician's career. Their first sexual encounter allegedly took place at Thorpe's mother's house in Surrey, an evening that Scott would describe in explicit detail years later in court. The relationship between the two men was brief but intense. Scott claimed that Thorpe had promised to help him establish himself, including securing his National Insurance card – a crucial document for employment in Britain. When the relationship cooled, Scott found himself without this document and increasingly desperate. He began to tell others about his relationship with Thorpe, creating a potential scandal that threatened the politician's career at a time when homosexuality was still widely stigmatized. By 1965, Scott had become what Thorpe described to Peter Bessell as "a problem." Bessell, who had become Thorpe's confidant and fixer, was tasked with managing the situation. He began making regular payments to Scott, ostensibly to help him get back on his feet, but effectively to keep him quiet. These payments, which continued for several years, would later be characterized by prosecutors as "hush money." Meanwhile, Scott's mental health deteriorated. He attempted suicide multiple times and was diagnosed with various psychiatric conditions, though how much of this was cause and how much effect of his situation remains debatable. The period from 1965 to 1970 saw Thorpe's political star continue to rise while Scott drifted through a series of jobs and relationships, periodically threatening to expose their past connection. Thorpe married Caroline Allpass in 1968, a union that many saw as politically motivated. "If it's the price I've got to pay to lead this old party, I'll pay it," Thorpe reportedly told Bessell. Yet despite this conventional facade and the distance Thorpe tried to maintain, Scott remained a persistent threat. By 1970, what had begun as a brief affair had evolved into a complex web of payments, threats, and increasingly desperate attempts at containment – a situation that would soon spiral beyond anyone's control.

Chapter 3: Desperate Measures: From Hush Money to Murder Plot (1970-1974)

The early 1970s marked the peak of Jeremy Thorpe's political career. Under his leadership, the Liberal Party experienced a revival, increasing its share of the vote in the 1970 general election. Thorpe cultivated an image as a dynamic, progressive politician, championing causes from environmentalism to electoral reform. He was particularly vocal in his opposition to apartheid in South Africa, a stance that would later feature in bizarre conspiracy theories about his downfall. Behind this public success, however, Thorpe was becoming increasingly desperate about the Norman Scott situation. In private meetings with Peter Bessell and David Holmes (Thorpe's devoted friend and best man), Thorpe allegedly began discussing more permanent solutions to the "Scott problem." According to Bessell's later testimony, Thorpe suggested various methods of murder, from shooting Scott and dumping his body in a tin mine to poisoning him or pushing him off a boat in the Atlantic. While these discussions may have begun as dark humor, they gradually took on a more serious tone. Tragedy struck Thorpe's personal life in June 1970 when his wife Caroline was killed in a car accident. The shock devastated him, but by 1973 he had remarried, this time to Marion Stein, Countess of Harewood and former wife of the Queen's cousin. This connection to the royal family further enhanced Thorpe's establishment credentials. Meanwhile, the political landscape was shifting dramatically. Britain was experiencing severe economic problems, with industrial unrest, power cuts, and a three-day working week imposed to conserve electricity during the miners' strike. The February 1974 general election resulted in a hung parliament, with the Liberals holding the balance of power. For a brief moment, Thorpe stood on the threshold of real political influence, possibly even a Cabinet position in a coalition government. Negotiations with Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath ultimately failed, and Harold Wilson formed a minority Labour government instead. A second election in October 1974 gave Labour a slim majority. Throughout these political machinations, the threat from Norman Scott remained. What made the situation particularly dangerous was that Scott had moved to North Devon – Thorpe's own constituency – where he was openly talking about their past relationship. The pressure on Thorpe intensified when Scott attempted to publish a book about their affair. With his political ambitions at their height, Thorpe allegedly decided that more drastic action was needed.

Chapter 4: The Exmoor Incident: A Failed Assassination and Public Exposure (1975-1976)

By late 1974, what had begun as troubling conversations about eliminating Norman Scott allegedly transformed into a concrete plan. According to later testimony, David Holmes was tasked with finding someone willing to kill Scott for money. Through a series of connections in South Wales, Holmes eventually made contact with Andrew Newton, a commercial airline pilot nicknamed "Chicken-brain" by his friends, who agreed to do the job for £10,000 – money that prosecutors would later claim came from Liberal Party funds diverted by Thorpe. Newton's first attempts to lure Scott to his death failed. Then, in October 1975, Newton approached Scott in North Devon, introducing himself as "Peter Keene" and claiming to be a bodyguard hired to protect Scott from a Canadian hitman. After gaining Scott's trust, Newton drove him to a remote spot on Exmoor one rainy night. Scott had with him a Great Dane dog named Rinka. What happened next would become the most infamous moment in the entire affair: Newton shot the dog dead, then pointed the gun at Scott. According to Scott, the gun jammed; Newton claimed he had only ever intended to frighten Scott, not kill him. The incident initially received little attention. Local newspapers reported it as "The Great Dane Mystery," but national media showed little interest. Scott's attempts to tell police that the incident was connected to Jeremy Thorpe were dismissed. However, the situation changed dramatically when Newton was tried for firearms offenses in March 1976. In court, Scott publicly alleged his relationship with Thorpe, creating a media sensation. Thorpe issued denials, but the story refused to die. The pressure intensified when Peter Bessell, who had moved to California and fallen on hard times, began speaking to journalists. In May 1976, Bessell gave an interview to the Daily Mail in which he admitted he had "told lies to protect Thorpe." The Liberal Party was thrown into crisis. Despite initially receiving support from his colleagues, Thorpe's position became untenable. On May 10, 1976, he resigned as Liberal leader, though he remained an MP. His political career was effectively over, but his legal troubles were just beginning.

Chapter 5: The Trial of the Century: Justice and Establishment Protection (1978-1979)

On August 4, 1978, Jeremy Thorpe was arrested and charged with conspiracy to murder Norman Scott and incitement to murder – the most serious charges ever leveled against a sitting British MP. Also charged were David Holmes, businessman John Le Mesurier (known as "John the Carpet"), and fruit machine dealer George Deakin. The committal hearing at Minehead Magistrates' Court in November 1978 provided a preview of the sensational testimony to come, with both Peter Bessell and Norman Scott giving detailed accounts of their involvement with Thorpe. The trial itself began at the Old Bailey on May 8, 1979, just five days after a general election in which Thorpe lost his parliamentary seat. The timing was particularly poignant – Margaret Thatcher had just become Britain's first female Prime Minister, heralding a new political era, while Thorpe faced the end of his career in disgrace. The trial quickly became a media circus, with newspapers devoting pages of coverage to each day's proceedings. The presiding judge, Sir Joseph Cantley, was a figure of almost Dickensian eccentricity, described by one observer as having "tiny, girlish lips, set perpetually in a cupid's bow of dainty mirth." The prosecution's case rested primarily on the testimony of three men: Peter Bessell, Norman Scott, and Andrew Newton. All three were subjected to brutal cross-examination by George Carman, QC, Thorpe's barrister. Carman, previously little-known outside Manchester legal circles, achieved national fame through his devastating performance. He systematically destroyed Bessell's credibility, forcing him to admit to numerous lies and deceptions. Scott fared somewhat better but was portrayed as emotionally unstable and vindictive. Newton, described by his own counsel as "a buffoon," claimed he had only ever intended to frighten Scott, not kill him. The most controversial aspect of the trial was Judge Cantley's summing-up, which displayed an obvious bias toward Thorpe. He described the prosecution witnesses in scathing terms – Scott was "a fraud, a sponger, a whiner, a parasite," while Bessell was "a humbug" – but referred to Thorpe as "a national figure with a very distinguished public record." On June 22, 1979, after deliberating for nearly 52 hours, the jury returned their verdict: not guilty on all counts for all four defendants. The establishment, many felt, had closed ranks to protect one of their own.

Chapter 6: Legacy of Scandal: How the Thorpe Affair Changed British Politics

Despite his acquittal, Jeremy Thorpe's life was effectively ruined by the scandal. Though legally innocent, he was widely believed to be guilty, and found himself ostracized by former colleagues and friends. His hopes for some form of public rehabilitation were repeatedly dashed. In 1982, he was offered the directorship of Amnesty International's British section, but the offer was withdrawn after public outcry. His ambition to receive a peerage was similarly thwarted, with successive Liberal leaders refusing to nominate him. In the mid-1980s, Thorpe was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease, which gradually robbed him of his mobility, speech, and eventually his sight. He was cared for by his wife Marion until her death in 2014. Throughout his long illness, he maintained a dignified silence about the scandal, refusing to discuss it even in his 1999 autobiography, "In My Own Time." When he died on December 4, 2014, at the age of 85, the obituaries inevitably focused as much on the scandal as on his political achievements. The Thorpe affair marked a watershed in British public life. It was one of the first major political sex scandals of the modern media age, and it helped to break down the deference that had previously protected public figures from scrutiny of their private lives. The case also highlighted changing attitudes toward homosexuality in British society. While homosexual acts had been partially decriminalized in 1967, deep prejudice remained. Many of Thorpe's supporters believed that the very accusation of homosexuality was enough to discredit Scott's testimony. The scandal also exposed the workings of what many called "the Establishment" – that nebulous network of power and influence that connected politics, the judiciary, the police, and the media. The fact that Thorpe had been able to avoid investigation for so long, despite Scott's persistent allegations, suggested a system designed to protect those at the top. Even the trial itself, with its biased summing-up and questionable verdict, reinforced the perception that there was one law for the powerful and another for everyone else. Perhaps most significantly, the Thorpe affair contributed to a growing cynicism about politics and politicians. Coming just a few years after Watergate in the United States, it reinforced the idea that power corrupts and that those who seek high office may be motivated more by personal ambition than public service. This legacy of distrust has only deepened in subsequent decades, as scandal after scandal has eroded public confidence in political institutions.

Summary

The Jeremy Thorpe scandal represents a perfect storm of personal weakness, political ambition, and societal change. At its heart was a fundamental contradiction: Thorpe was simultaneously a progressive politician advocating for social reform and a product of privilege who believed the rules didn't apply to him. His downfall occurred at a pivotal moment in British history, as the deference and secrecy that had long protected the establishment was beginning to erode under the pressure of a more aggressive media and changing social attitudes. The lasting significance of this extraordinary case lies in what it reveals about power, justice, and accountability in democratic societies. It demonstrates how institutions – the police, the judiciary, the press, and political parties – can be manipulated to protect the powerful, yet also how such protection ultimately has its limits. For today's political figures, the lesson might be that no position is secure enough to withstand the exposure of serious wrongdoing, even if justice may be delayed or imperfect. For citizens, it serves as a reminder to maintain healthy skepticism toward those in power, regardless of their charm or eloquence. The Thorpe affair marked the beginning of a more transparent, if more cynical, era in British public life – one where the private conduct of public figures would increasingly be seen as legitimate matter for scrutiny.

About Author

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John Preston

John Preston is the arts editor and television critic of the Sunday Telegraph. He is the author of three highly acclaimed novels, including Kings of the Roundhouse (2005), and a travel book, Touching the Moon. He lives in London.Librarian Note: There is more than one author in the GoodReads database with this name.

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