Becoming Kim Jong Un

Becoming Kim Jong Un Plot Summary

Introduction

In the frigid darkness of December 2011, a tearful news anchor on North Korean state television announced the death of "Dear Leader" Kim Jong Il. As the world watched, North Korea's elites bowed before the embalmed body of their deceased ruler, while a young man in his late twenties stood prominently at the head of the funeral procession. This was Kim Jong Un, the virtually unknown third son who would inherit the reins of the world's most secretive nuclear-armed state. Experts predicted his imminent failure - he was too young, too inexperienced, and faced too many internal threats to consolidate power. Yet within years, this "ten-foot-tall baby" would transform from an object of ridicule to a formidable international figure who would directly challenge American presidents. The story of North Korea's evolution reveals profound questions about power, survival, and international relations. How does a small, impoverished nation maintain its independence while surrounded by more powerful neighbors? What drives a regime to pursue nuclear weapons at the cost of international isolation and economic hardship? And perhaps most importantly, how should the world understand and engage with a dynastic system that has defied expectations of collapse for decades? By examining the Kim family's three-generation rule, we gain crucial insights into not just North Korea's past and present, but also the complex dynamics of authoritarian resilience, nuclear proliferation, and the limits of international pressure in the modern world.

Chapter 1: The Guerrilla's Legacy: Kim Il Sung Establishes the Foundation (1945-1994)

The story of North Korea begins in the ashes of World War II, when Korea was divided along the 38th parallel in 1945. The northern half fell under Soviet influence, while the southern portion came under American control. Into this arbitrary division stepped Kim Il Sung, a 33-year-old guerrilla fighter who had spent years battling Japanese forces in Manchuria before retreating to the Soviet Union during World War II. Though his actual military accomplishments were likely embellished by later propaganda, Kim's anti-Japanese credentials and loyalty to Moscow made him Moscow's choice to lead the northern half of the peninsula. Kim Il Sung declared the founding of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on September 9, 1948, after systematically purging potential challengers and establishing a robust surveillance apparatus. Far from being a mere Soviet puppet, Kim proved himself a savvy political operator who could manipulate both Beijing and Moscow to his advantage. His ambition soon turned toward reunifying the Korean Peninsula under communist rule. The international environment seemed favorable - Washington showed little strategic interest in South Korea, communism appeared ascendant globally with Mao's victory in China in 1949, and the Soviet Union had successfully tested its first atomic bomb. The Korean War (1950-1953) proved pivotal in Kim's consolidation of power. After launching an invasion of South Korea that initially succeeded before being pushed back by American-led UN forces, the conflict ended in stalemate. The human toll was catastrophic - nearly three million Koreans died, alongside hundreds of thousands of Chinese and UN troops. American bombing campaigns destroyed virtually everything in North Korea, with more bombs dropped than in the entire Pacific theater during World War II. Despite failing to achieve reunification, Kim portrayed the war as a victory against American imperialism, purged potential rivals who could be blamed for military failures, and positioned himself as the nation's protector against foreign threats. Through the 1950s and 1960s, Kim established the foundations of his totalitarian system. He introduced the concept of juche (self-reliance) as North Korea's guiding ideology, blending Marxist-Leninist principles with Korean nationalism and positioning himself as the embodiment of the Korean people's aspirations. The songbun system classified citizens based on family background and loyalty to the regime, creating a rigid social hierarchy. Meanwhile, a sophisticated propaganda apparatus elevated Kim to godlike status, portraying him as the "Great Leader" whose wisdom was infallible and whose benevolence was boundless. Kim's most enduring achievement was transforming North Korea into a family dynasty. By the 1970s, he had positioned his son, Kim Jong Il, as his successor, giving him control over the party's powerful Organization and Guidance Department. The younger Kim oversaw the creation of an elaborate personality cult around his father while simultaneously building his own power base. This hereditary succession, unprecedented in the communist world, reflected Kim Il Sung's determination to maintain family control and protect the regime he had built from potential reform after his death. By the time of his death in 1994, Kim Il Sung had ruled North Korea for nearly half a century. He left behind a society completely molded in his image - isolated from the outside world, militarized against perceived threats, and indoctrinated to view the Kim family as semi-divine protectors. The economic system he created, initially successful in rebuilding after the war, was showing signs of severe strain as the Soviet bloc collapsed. Yet the political structures he established proved remarkably durable, ensuring that despite economic hardship, the Kim dynasty would continue to rule through his son and eventually his grandson.

Chapter 2: Survival Through Crisis: Kim Jong Il's Military-First Era (1994-2011)

When Kim Jong Il officially assumed leadership following his father's death in 1994, North Korea faced its most severe crisis since the Korean War. The collapse of the Soviet Union had eliminated crucial economic support, while devastating floods in 1995-1996 destroyed harvests and infrastructure. The result was a catastrophic famine known euphemistically as the "Arduous March," which claimed between 600,000 and 1 million lives. Despite these dire circumstances, the younger Kim focused primarily on regime survival rather than economic reform, demonstrating the leadership's willingness to sacrifice the population's wellbeing for political continuity. Kim Jong Il's governing philosophy centered on his "Military-First" (Songun) policy, which prioritized the armed forces above all other sectors. Despite the country's economic collapse, he channeled scarce resources to military development, including the nuclear weapons program. This approach reflected both strategic calculation and personal preference - Kim had long overseen military affairs and felt more comfortable with generals than economic planners. The military provided stability during uncertain times and offered the regime leverage in international negotiations, particularly as the nuclear program advanced. Unlike his charismatic father, Kim Jong Il was reclusive and reportedly uncomfortable with public appearances. He rarely gave speeches, preferring to rule through written directives and a tight circle of trusted officials. His personal interests in cinema (he reportedly owned thousands of foreign films and once kidnapped a South Korean director to improve North Korean movies) and luxury goods contrasted sharply with the deprivation faced by ordinary citizens. Yet despite his eccentric image abroad, he maintained iron control domestically through an extensive security apparatus and by playing potential rivals against each other. The 1990s famine inadvertently sparked the beginnings of marketization in North Korea. As the state-run public distribution system collapsed, citizens were forced to engage in private trading to survive. Small markets (jangmadang) emerged across the country, creating an economic space partially outside state control. Kim's regime initially cracked down on these activities but eventually tolerated them as necessary for survival, while ensuring the elite remained dependent on state patronage. This pragmatic adaptation helped the regime weather the economic crisis without meaningful reform. By the early 2000s, Kim had consolidated his rule and begun pursuing a more aggressive international strategy. North Korea conducted its first nuclear test in 2006, withdrew from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and engaged in a pattern of provocations followed by negotiations to extract concessions from the international community. This approach reflected Kim's strategic assessment that nuclear weapons provided the ultimate insurance policy against regime change, particularly after witnessing the fate of leaders like Iraq's Saddam Hussein who lacked such deterrents. When Kim Jong Il died unexpectedly in December 2011, he left a complex legacy. He had preserved the Kim dynasty through the country's worst economic crisis and advanced its nuclear capabilities, but at tremendous human cost. North Korea remained isolated, impoverished, and dependent on China, with a growing gap between the privileged elite in Pyongyang and the struggling masses in the provinces. Yet the succession mechanism he had carefully prepared ensured that power would transfer smoothly to his youngest son, Kim Jong Un, maintaining the family's grip on power into a third generation.

Chapter 3: The Young General: Kim Jong Un's Ruthless Consolidation (2011-2015)

When Kim Jong Un made his public debut at a military parade in October 2010, few outside observers gave the pudgy, Swiss-educated 27-year-old much chance of successfully taking the reins of North Korea's complex and brutal political system. Having been hastily groomed for leadership after his older brothers fell from favor, he lacked the decades of preparation his father had enjoyed before assuming power. Western analysts predicted either a puppet regime controlled by regents or a rapid collapse as competing factions fought for control. Instead, Kim Jong Un defied expectations by swiftly and ruthlessly consolidating his authority. The young leader's first priority was establishing his legitimacy within the North Korean system. He deliberately styled himself after his grandfather, Kim Il Sung - adopting his haircut, dress, speaking style, and even his tendency to make frequent public appearances and interact with ordinary citizens. State media emphasized his bloodline as part of the "Paektu lineage," referring to the sacred mountain where regime mythology claims Kim Il Sung fought against Japanese forces and where Kim Jong Il was supposedly born. This connection to North Korea's founding mythology helped overcome his youth and inexperience in the eyes of the elite and public. Kim moved quickly to eliminate potential threats to his rule. In December 2013, he ordered the dramatic public arrest and execution of his uncle Jang Song Thaek, who had been considered the second most powerful figure in the regime. The state media denounced Jang as "despicable human scum" and "worse than a dog," accusing him of plotting to overthrow the government. This purge sent a clear message that no one, regardless of rank or family connection, was safe from Kim's wrath. Over the following years, he replaced or executed dozens of senior military and party officials, installing younger loyalists who owed their positions directly to him. Alongside political consolidation, Kim pursued a dual-track policy known as byungjin, which called for simultaneous development of nuclear weapons and economic growth. On the economic front, he introduced limited market-oriented reforms, allowing greater autonomy for state enterprises, expanding special economic zones, and tacitly accepting the growing role of private markets. Pyongyang underwent a construction boom, with new apartment buildings, amusement parks, and luxury facilities for the elite. These changes reflected Kim's understanding that economic improvements were necessary to maintain the loyalty of key constituencies. The nuclear and missile programs accelerated dramatically under Kim's leadership. Between 2012 and 2017, North Korea conducted four nuclear tests of increasing sophistication and launched dozens of missiles of various ranges. Unlike his father, who kept the nuclear program relatively hidden, Kim openly celebrated these achievements, appearing in photographs with scientists and missile components. The program reached its apex in 2017 with the test of an apparent hydrogen bomb and intercontinental ballistic missiles potentially capable of reaching the United States, fulfilling a long-standing regime goal of directly deterring American military action. By 2018, having declared the nuclear program "complete," Kim pivoted to diplomatic engagement, holding unprecedented summits with the leaders of South Korea, China, and the United States. This diplomatic offensive reflected both confidence in his strengthened position and a desire to convert nuclear achievements into economic benefits through sanctions relief. Though these initiatives produced few concrete results, they demonstrated Kim's political sophistication and ability to navigate international relations far beyond what many had expected from the young leader who had inherited power just seven years earlier.

Chapter 4: Nuclear Ambitions: From Regional Nuisance to Global Threat (1990s-2017)

North Korea's nuclear ambitions date back to the 1950s, when Kim Il Sung, traumatized by American threats to use nuclear weapons during the Korean War, began seeking atomic technology. With Soviet assistance, North Korea established its first research reactor at Yongbyon in the 1960s. However, it was under Kim Jong Il in the 1980s and 1990s that the program accelerated significantly. The collapse of the Soviet Union created both motivation (loss of a nuclear-armed patron) and opportunity (access to unemployed Soviet nuclear scientists and materials) for North Korea to pursue indigenous nuclear capabilities more aggressively. The regime's determination to acquire nuclear weapons stems from multiple strategic calculations. First and foremost is the security imperative - North Korean leaders view nuclear weapons as the ultimate guarantee against regime change or military intervention. They studied how non-nuclear states like Iraq and Libya were vulnerable to U.S.-led interventions, while nuclear-armed states like Pakistan faced no such threats despite international condemnation. As one North Korean official bluntly stated to American negotiators: "The reason you invaded Iraq is because it didn't have weapons of mass destruction." Beyond security, nuclear weapons serve important domestic political functions. They provide legitimacy to the Kim regime by demonstrating technological prowess and national strength despite economic weakness. State propaganda portrays nuclear achievements as evidence of the leaders' genius and the success of the juche ideology of self-reliance. For Kim Jong Un specifically, nuclear advancement became a central pillar of his claim to leadership, with state media celebrating him as the "nuclear general" who completed the work his grandfather and father had begun. The technical evolution of North Korea's nuclear capabilities has been more rapid than many experts predicted. From its first crude plutonium-based test in 2006, the program advanced to include uranium enrichment capabilities, thermonuclear designs, and increasingly sophisticated delivery systems. By 2017, North Korea had demonstrated hydrogen bomb technology with explosive yields potentially exceeding 100 kilotons (several times more powerful than the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki) and missiles capable of reaching the continental United States. This progression reflected both determined indigenous efforts and successful procurement networks that evaded international sanctions. The international community's response to North Korea's nuclear program has evolved through cycles of crisis, negotiation, agreement, and breakdown. The 1994 Agreed Framework temporarily froze plutonium production but collapsed amid mutual accusations of non-compliance. The Six-Party Talks of the 2000s produced agreements that were never fully implemented. Sanctions have steadily increased in scope and severity, particularly after 2016-2017 when the UN Security Council banned most North Korean exports. Yet these measures have failed to prevent the regime from achieving its core nuclear objectives, highlighting the limitations of external pressure against a state willing to endure extreme isolation and hardship. By 2017, North Korea had transformed from a regional nuisance to a global threat, capable of threatening the American homeland with nuclear weapons. This achievement fundamentally altered the strategic calculus surrounding the Korean Peninsula. While previous U.S. administrations could consider military options to prevent North Korea from obtaining nuclear weapons, the Kim regime had now created a deterrent that made such options prohibitively risky. This new reality would force a reassessment of diplomatic approaches and recognition that complete, immediate denuclearization might no longer be a realistic goal - setting the stage for the dramatic diplomatic initiatives that would follow.

Chapter 5: Diplomatic Maneuvering: Between Provocation and Engagement (2018-Present)

The year 2017 marked the peak of tensions between North Korea and the United States, as Kim Jong Un's accelerated missile testing collided with President Donald Trump's unconventional approach to foreign policy. After North Korea tested its first intercontinental ballistic missile capable of reaching the U.S. mainland on July 4th (deliberately chosen for its symbolic value), Trump threatened "fire and fury like the world has never seen" if North Korea continued its provocations. Kim responded by announcing plans to launch missiles toward the U.S. territory of Guam. As both leaders exchanged increasingly bellicose rhetoric - with Trump calling Kim "Rocket Man" at the United Nations and Kim calling Trump a "mentally deranged dotard" - many observers feared an accidental escalation to nuclear war. Then, in a dramatic pivot that stunned the international community, Kim used his 2018 New Year's address to signal openness to diplomacy, particularly regarding the upcoming Winter Olympics in South Korea. Within months, the situation transformed from nuclear brinkmanship to unprecedented engagement. Kim held his first summit with South Korean President Moon Jae-in in April 2018, stepping across the Military Demarcation Line at Panmunjom for a carefully choreographed meeting that produced images of reconciliation broadcast worldwide. This was quickly followed by meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping, repairing a relationship that had deteriorated during Kim's early years in power. The diplomatic crescendo came in June 2018 with the first-ever meeting between a North Korean leader and a sitting U.S. president. The Singapore summit between Kim and Trump, unimaginable just months earlier, produced dramatic imagery but limited substantive results. The joint statement committed to "complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula" without defining the term or establishing a verification mechanism. Nevertheless, both leaders claimed victory - Trump declaring that the nuclear threat from North Korea was over, and Kim achieving the long-sought legitimacy of direct engagement with an American president without making significant concessions. Kim's diplomatic offensive reflected a calculated strategy to convert North Korea's enhanced nuclear capabilities into tangible benefits. Having demonstrated the ability to threaten the U.S. mainland with nuclear weapons, Kim sought to leverage this achievement to obtain sanctions relief, security guarantees, and international recognition as a de facto nuclear power. The approach also aimed to drive wedges between the United States and its regional allies, particularly South Korea, where President Moon's progressive government was eager to pursue inter-Korean reconciliation regardless of the status of North Korea's nuclear program. The limits of this diplomatic approach became evident at the second Trump-Kim summit in Hanoi in February 2019, which ended abruptly without an agreement. North Korea sought substantial sanctions relief in exchange for dismantling only part of its nuclear infrastructure, while the U.S. insisted on more comprehensive denuclearization steps. A brief meeting at the Demilitarized Zone in June 2019 and working-level talks in Stockholm in October failed to bridge these fundamental differences. By 2020, the diplomatic momentum had stalled, with North Korea returning to a more confrontational posture while maintaining its moratorium on nuclear and long-range missile tests. This cycle of provocation, crisis, negotiation, and stalemate has characterized North Korea's diplomatic approach across three generations of Kim leadership. The pattern reflects the regime's fundamental calculation that while complete denuclearization remains unacceptable due to security concerns, periodic engagement offers opportunities to extract concessions, relieve pressure, and enhance legitimacy. For the international community, the challenge remains developing an approach that acknowledges North Korea's security concerns while maintaining sufficient pressure to incentivize meaningful steps toward denuclearization - a balance that has proven elusive through decades of diplomacy.

Chapter 6: Economic Control and Repression: The Pillars of Regime Survival

The Kim regime's longevity defies the predictions of many analysts who expected North Korea's economic dysfunction to trigger political collapse. Central to this survival has been the regime's adaptive approach to economic control, particularly since the devastating famine of the 1990s that killed hundreds of thousands. While maintaining the official socialist economic structure, the government has tacitly permitted the growth of markets (jangmadang) where citizens buy and sell goods outside state channels. This pragmatic tolerance of limited marketization has created an economic safety valve, allowing people to survive despite the failure of the state distribution system while preventing the pressure for more fundamental reforms. Kim Jong Un has introduced modest economic changes that stop short of systemic reform. State enterprises have been granted greater autonomy in decision-making, farmers can keep a larger portion of their harvests, and special economic zones have been established to attract foreign investment (primarily from China). In Pyongyang, construction of luxury apartments, department stores, and entertainment facilities caters to the growing class of donju - wealthy entrepreneurs who operate in a gray area between state and private business. These changes reflect Kim's understanding that some economic improvement is necessary to maintain regime stability, particularly among the elite whose loyalty is essential. The regime maintains political control through a sophisticated system of surveillance and repression that permeates all aspects of North Korean society. The songbun system classifies citizens based on family background and perceived loyalty, determining access to education, employment, housing, and food. An extensive network of informants ensures that any sign of political dissent is quickly identified and punished. The Ministry of State Security operates prison camps where an estimated 80,000-120,000 political prisoners are subjected to forced labor, torture, and execution. Family members of those accused of political crimes are often imprisoned together under the "guilt by association" principle, creating powerful incentives for mutual surveillance even within families. Information control remains a critical regime tool, though one increasingly challenged by technology. All media is state-controlled, radios and televisions are pre-tuned to government stations, and internet access is restricted to a small elite. However, the spread of smuggled South Korean dramas, Chinese mobile phones that work near the border, and USB drives containing foreign content has created cracks in the information blockade. In response, the regime has developed its own closed intranet system, domestic smartphones, and updated propaganda techniques that acknowledge the outside world while reinforcing state narratives about North Korea's superiority and the hostile intentions of foreign powers. The Kim regime has also demonstrated remarkable skill in co-opting potential sources of opposition. The elite are bound to the system through privilege and fear - they enjoy special housing, food, consumer goods, and education for their children, while knowing that falling from favor could mean execution or imprisonment. The military, whose size consumes enormous resources in the impoverished country, receives priority in resource allocation under the Songun (military-first) policy. Even the emerging entrepreneurial class is incorporated into patronage networks, with successful businesses requiring political protection and paying bribes that flow upward through the system. Perhaps most importantly, the regime has maintained ideological control through a belief system that combines elements of nationalism, anti-imperialism, and quasi-religious devotion to the Kim family. From early childhood, North Koreans are taught that they live in a besieged paradise, threatened by hostile outside forces but protected by the genius and benevolence of their leaders. This worldview, reinforced through daily rituals, mass mobilization campaigns, and constant propaganda, creates a psychological framework that helps explain hardship as necessary sacrifice in a cosmic struggle against evil forces. While many North Koreans may privately doubt aspects of this narrative, the absence of alternative organizing principles and the very real risks of challenging the system ensure continued outward compliance with regime demands.

Summary

The evolution of North Korean power reveals a central paradox: a regime that appears perpetually on the brink of collapse has not only survived but has transformed itself from a conventional Communist state into a nuclear-armed dynastic system with surprising adaptability. Throughout three generations of Kim family rule, the core dynamic has remained consistent - the regime prioritizes political control and regime security above all else, willing to endure international isolation, economic hardship, and even mass starvation rather than implement reforms that might threaten the leadership's grip on power. Yet within this seemingly rigid framework, the Kims have shown remarkable tactical flexibility, adjusting their strategies to changing circumstances while maintaining the fundamental structure of totalitarian control. This historical trajectory offers crucial lessons for understanding authoritarian resilience in the modern world. First, the power of nationalism and historical grievance should never be underestimated as motivating forces that can sustain regimes through extreme hardship. Second, the assumption that economic integration inevitably leads to political liberalization has been thoroughly challenged by North Korea's ability to permit limited market activity while strengthening political control. Finally, nuclear weapons have proven to be the ultimate regime insurance policy, effectively deterring external intervention while providing leverage in international negotiations. As the world continues to grapple with the North Korean challenge, these insights suggest that any successful approach must address the regime's core security concerns while finding ways to increase the costs of maintaining its repressive system - a delicate balance that has eluded policymakers for decades but remains essential for any hope of peaceful resolution to one of the world's most intractable security challenges.

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Jung H. Pak

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