Natives

Natives Plot Summary

Introduction

Imagine walking through the British Museum, surrounded by treasures from around the world - Egyptian mummies, Greek sculptures, and artifacts from every corner of what was once the largest empire in human history. Yet the placards rarely mention how these objects arrived in London. This silence mirrors a larger amnesia about Britain's imperial past and its lasting impact on contemporary race relations. How did a small island nation come to control a quarter of the world's land and population? What systems of racial categorization made this possible? And how do these historical structures continue to shape British society today? These questions lie at the heart of Britain's complicated relationship with its imperial legacy. From the construction of racial hierarchies that justified colonial rule to the resistance movements that challenged it, from the arrival of Caribbean migrants after World War II to the cultural innovations of their British-born children, this history reveals how deeply race and empire have shaped modern British identity. Whether you're seeking to understand persistent inequalities in education and policing, the cultural politics of sports and music, or the historical roots of contemporary debates about immigration and citizenship, this exploration offers crucial insights into how the past continues to shape our present.

Chapter 1: The Construction of Racial Hierarchy: Origins and Imperial Logic

The concept of race as we understand it today is surprisingly recent in human history. While humans have always noticed physical differences between populations, the idea that these differences indicate inherent, hierarchical biological categories only emerged in the 18th century. Before this period, distinctions between peoples were primarily based on religion, culture, or geography rather than physical appearance. The transformation of these distinctions into a pseudo-scientific racial hierarchy coincided with the expansion of European colonialism and the transatlantic slave trade. The word "race" first appeared in France during the 14th and 15th centuries, not to denigrate minorities but in discussions about nobility and royal bloodlines. It was only later that this concept was applied to categorize different human populations. European Enlightenment thinkers like Voltaire and Kant, while celebrated for their contributions to human liberty and reason, paradoxically helped develop philosophical frameworks that justified racial hierarchies. Their writings attempted to provide intellectual legitimacy to the growing economic systems of exploitation that required the dehumanization of non-European peoples. The development of racial ideology was intimately connected to commerce and profit. As the transatlantic slave trade expanded, the need to justify the enslavement of millions of Africans grew more pressing. Racial theories provided a convenient solution by suggesting that Africans were naturally suited for slavery. This process was not limited to the British Empire but was common across European colonial powers. The Spanish concept of "limpieza de sangre" (purity of blood), initially used against Jews and Muslims, was later adapted to categorize indigenous peoples in the Americas. By the 19th century, racial categorization had evolved into a complex pseudo-science with cranial measurements, facial angles, and other supposedly objective criteria used to rank human groups. These "scientific" approaches gave an air of legitimacy to racial hierarchies that served economic and political interests. British colonial administrators in India, Africa, and the Caribbean relied on racial theories to justify their rule, arguing that they were bringing civilization to "lesser races" incapable of governing themselves. The flexibility of racial classifications throughout history reveals their constructed nature. In colonial Spanish America, mixed-race people could purchase certificates of "whiteness." In Virginia, the definition of who counted as "white" changed multiple times between 1785 and 1924. At various points, different ethnic groups found themselves reclassified according to the political and economic needs of the ruling powers. Despite pretending to be permanent and scientific, racial categories have always been bent to serve the perceived needs of those in power. The legacy of these racial hierarchies extends far beyond their historical context. Contemporary debates about immigration, citizenship, and national identity continue to be shaped by ideas about who properly belongs in British society. Understanding the historical construction of race helps explain why certain groups continue to face discrimination despite formal legal equality. It also reminds us that since racial categories were created through historical processes, they can be transformed through conscious social action.

Chapter 2: Colonial Governance: Divide, Rule and Extract (1757-1947)

The British Empire, at its height, controlled approximately a quarter of the world's land surface and ruled over a similar proportion of humanity. This unprecedented global dominance was not achieved through benevolence but through a systematic application of violence, economic exploitation, and racial stratification. The period from the Battle of Plassey in 1757, which established British control over Bengal, to Indian independence in 1947 represents the apex of Britain's colonial power and the most comprehensive implementation of its governance strategies. Colonial rule operated through what scholars call "divide and rule" tactics. In India, the British exploited existing caste and religious differences, elevating certain groups to administrative positions while marginalizing others. The formal categorization of Indian society into rigid caste classifications through the census actually hardened previously more fluid social distinctions. In Africa, arbitrary borders were drawn that lumped together diverse ethnic groups with little historical unity, creating internal tensions that made colonial control easier. These divisions were justified through racial theories that claimed some indigenous groups were more "advanced" or "civilized" than others, thus more suitable for limited authority under British supervision. The economic foundation of the empire was extraction of resources and labor from colonized territories for the benefit of Britain. In Kenya, fertile highlands were seized for white settlers, forcing indigenous populations onto less productive lands. In India, traditional textile industries were deliberately destroyed to create markets for British manufactured goods, while raw materials flowed to British factories. Even after formal slavery ended, economic arrangements continued to exploit colonial subjects through unfair trade policies, forced labor, and restricted educational opportunities that limited economic mobility. As historian Mike Davis has documented, millions died in famines across India while food continued to be exported to Britain. Perhaps the most insidious aspect of British colonialism was its cultural dimension. Colonial education systems taught indigenous peoples to view their own cultures as backward and primitive while presenting British culture as the pinnacle of human achievement. As one colonial education official in India stated, the goal was to create "a class of persons Indian in blood and color, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect." This cultural imperialism created profound psychological wounds that continued long after formal independence. Frantz Fanon and other anti-colonial thinkers identified this internalized colonialism as one of the most difficult legacies to overcome. The empire's governance was not static but adapted to changing circumstances. When resistance to colonial rule intensified, the British often responded with extreme violence while simultaneously making limited concessions to moderate elements. The brutal suppression of the Indian Rebellion of 1857 exemplifies this approach. After crushing the uprising with extraordinary brutality, the British government formally ended East India Company rule and promised greater respect for local customs. This pattern of violent repression followed by limited reform characterized British responses to resistance throughout the empire. The legacies of colonial governance persist in contemporary politics and international relations. Many post-colonial conflicts can be traced to borders and political structures imposed during colonial rule. Economic relationships established during the colonial period continue to shape global trade patterns, often to the disadvantage of former colonies. Within Britain itself, attitudes toward immigration and citizenship have been profoundly influenced by imperial history, with Commonwealth citizens progressively stripped of rights they once held as subjects of the empire. Understanding these colonial governance strategies helps explain both the success of British imperial control and its lasting consequences for our world today.

Chapter 3: Resistance Movements: From Slavery to Independence Struggles

Resistance to British imperial rule took many forms, from everyday acts of non-compliance to organized rebellions and political movements. Contrary to colonial narratives that portrayed colonized peoples as passive recipients of European "civilization," resistance was constant throughout the empire's history. This resistance began with the earliest victims of British imperialism - enslaved Africans transported to Caribbean plantations in the 17th and 18th centuries. The Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804 sent shockwaves through the colonial world. Though not a British colony, Haiti's successful slave rebellion demonstrated that European dominance could be challenged and defeated. The revolution inspired resistance throughout the Caribbean, including major rebellions in Jamaica such as the Baptist War of 1831-32 led by Sam Sharpe. British authorities responded to these uprisings with extreme brutality, executing hundreds of rebels and reinforcing the racial hierarchy through violence. Yet these rebellions played a crucial role in making slavery increasingly untenable, contributing to its formal abolition in British territories in 1833. In Africa, resistance to British colonization was immediate and widespread. When British forces invaded what would become Nigeria, they faced fierce resistance from the Kingdom of Benin. The Ashanti Empire in present-day Ghana fought a series of wars against British expansion. Even after formal colonization, resistance continued through various means. The Maji Maji Rebellion in German East Africa and the First Chimurenga in Southern Rhodesia demonstrated that African peoples would not accept European rule without struggle. These early resistances laid important groundwork for later independence movements. Women played crucial but often overlooked roles in anti-colonial resistance. In Nigeria, the Women's War of 1929 saw thousands of Igbo women protest against British taxation policies and the undermining of their traditional political authority. In Kenya, women were active participants in the Mau Mau uprising, serving as combatants, intelligence gatherers, and suppliers of food and medicine. Their contributions challenged both colonial rule and patriarchal assumptions about women's roles in political struggle. As historian Tabitha Kanogo has documented, women's participation in these movements often gave them leverage to challenge gender hierarchies within their own communities. By the mid-20th century, resistance had evolved into organized political movements demanding independence. Figures like Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya, and Eric Williams in Trinidad and Tobago led movements that combined mass mobilization with sophisticated political strategies. These leaders often drew inspiration from pan-African ideas that connected struggles across the continent and diaspora. The success of Ghana in achieving independence in 1957 created a domino effect, with most British colonies in Africa gaining independence in the following decade. The rapid collapse of the British Empire after World War II reflected both the strength of these independence movements and Britain's diminished global position. The intellectual and cultural productions that emerged from these resistance movements continue to inspire struggles against oppression worldwide. As Trinidadian historian C.L.R. James wrote regarding the Haitian Revolution, these movements forced Europeans to confront the contradiction between their espoused ideals of liberty and their practices of racial domination. The legacy of anti-colonial resistance can be seen in contemporary movements for racial justice, economic equality, and environmental protection. Understanding this history of resistance provides crucial context for contemporary struggles, demonstrating that the fight against oppression has always been met with courage and creativity by those most affected.

Chapter 4: Windrush and After: Migration and Institutional Racism (1948-1981)

The arrival of the Empire Windrush at Tilbury Docks in June 1948, carrying 492 Caribbean migrants, marked a pivotal moment in Britain's racial history. These passengers, responding to Britain's labor shortages after World War II, arrived as British citizens exercising their legal rights under the 1948 British Nationality Act. They represented the beginning of a significant migration from the Caribbean, India, Pakistan, and later Africa that would transform British society. Between 1948 and 1962, when immigration restrictions were first imposed, thousands of Commonwealth citizens arrived in Britain, many having served the "mother country" during the war. Despite their legal status as citizens, these migrants encountered widespread discrimination in housing, employment, and daily life. Signs reading "No Coloureds, No Irish" were common in boarding house windows. Local authorities often refused to house Black and Asian families, while private landlords charged them higher rents for inferior accommodations. Employment discrimination similarly constrained opportunities, with many employers refusing to hire Black and Asian workers for anything beyond the most menial positions. The Bristol Bus Boycott of 1963, inspired by the Montgomery Bus Boycott in the United States, challenged employment discrimination when the Bristol Omnibus Company refused to employ Black or Asian bus crews. The education system presented another arena where institutional racism operated effectively. Black Caribbean children were disproportionately placed in schools for the "educationally subnormal," reflecting teachers' racialized assumptions rather than actual academic ability. A landmark 1971 report by Bernard Coard documented how the British education system was failing Black children through low expectations, culturally biased curricula, and outright discrimination. In response, Caribbean communities established supplementary Saturday schools to provide both academic support and cultural education absent from mainstream schools. These community initiatives represented both a practical response to educational discrimination and an assertion of cultural pride and self-determination. Policing emerged as a particularly contentious area of institutional racism. The "sus laws," which allowed police to stop and search anyone they suspected might commit a crime, were disproportionately used against Black youth. This harassment contributed to deteriorating relations between police and Black communities throughout the 1970s. The Metropolitan Police's Special Patrol Group became notorious for its aggressive tactics in areas with large Black populations. These tensions would eventually erupt in major urban uprisings in the early 1980s, beginning with the Brixton riots of April 1981 following Operation Swamp, an intensive stop-and-search operation in the area. Immigration policy revealed the racialized nature of British citizenship itself. While the 1948 British Nationality Act had granted citizenship rights to all subjects of the British Empire, subsequent legislation systematically restricted these rights for non-white Commonwealth citizens. The 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, the 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, and the 1971 Immigration Act progressively narrowed pathways to migration and settlement for Black and Asian Commonwealth citizens while maintaining relatively open access for white Commonwealth migrants. As one Home Secretary privately admitted, these policies were designed to operate "on colored people almost exclusively." The period culminated in the uprisings of 1981, when Black communities in Brixton, Toxteth, Moss Side, and other areas responded to years of police harassment, economic marginalization, and political neglect. The subsequent Scarman Report acknowledged the role of racial discrimination in triggering these disturbances and recommended reforms to police training and community relations. While implementation was uneven, the report represented an unprecedented official recognition of the institutional racism that Black Britons had experienced since the Windrush generation's arrival. These events set the stage for both continued struggles against racism and new forms of cultural and political expression in the decades to come.

Chapter 5: Education and Policing: Battlegrounds for Black British Identity

The British education system has long been a site of struggle for black students, where their natural intelligence and curiosity often collide with institutional barriers and prejudice. The Victorian-era paradigm of education—focused on discipline, obedience, and deference—remains influential in British schools, prioritizing the creation of compliant workers over nurturing critical thinking or personal fulfillment. This approach particularly disadvantages black students, who must navigate both class constraints and racial bias in their educational journey. When large numbers of British-born black children began attending British schools in the 1960s, the establishment faced what it perceived as a problem: how to educate a group it had never intended to have full citizenship rights. The solution for many schools was to disproportionately place black children in schools for the "Educationally Sub Normal" (ESN), facilities outside the mainstream system where "difficult" students were effectively warehoused. This systematic discrimination was exposed by Grenadian scholar Bernard Coard in his 1971 pamphlet "How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Subnormal in the British School System," which documented how cultural bias in testing and teacher expectations led to the mislabeling of Caribbean children as intellectually deficient. The response from the British Caribbean community was remarkable. In every major Caribbean community, black supplementary schools were established to provide additional education on weekends. Professor Gus John set up the first of these in 1967, and eventually as many as 150 existed across the country. These schools represented a significant commitment from a predominantly working-class community, using limited resources to ensure their children received the education denied them in mainstream schools. They taught not only standard academic subjects but also Black history and culture absent from the national curriculum, helping children develop positive identities in the face of societal racism. Research has consistently shown that British teachers assess black pupils' academic ability as being far lower than their actual performance. A national study by Bristol University found that between 2001-02 and 2004-05, teacher assessments of black Caribbean students were 5.6 points below their "blind" SATs results, and 6.4 points for black African students—almost double the 3.3-point difference for white students. This confirms that British teachers systematically underestimate black pupils' academic ability, with the bias even more pronounced for students of African origin despite their generally better academic performance. Alongside education, policing has been a central battleground for Black British identity. For young black men, interactions with police typically begin in early adolescence, marking a transition into a world where they are viewed primarily as potential criminals rather than citizens deserving protection. The first police search often occurs around age twelve or thirteen, frequently conducted without proper legal protocols—no adult present, no rights read, just the humiliating experience of having one's body treated as inherently suspicious. These encounters follow a predictable script: officers claim someone "fitting the description" has committed a crime, search the young person, find nothing, and leave without apology or explanation. The purpose of racialized stop and search is not primarily crime prevention—its effectiveness as a policing tactic is ambiguous at best. Rather, it serves as a form of social control, teaching young black people their place in British society and demonstrating who holds power over their bodies and movements. This practice is a legacy of more overtly brutal policing tactics from earlier decades, such as the notorious Special Patrol Group that terrorized black communities in the 1970s and 1980s. The 1999 Macpherson Report, following the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence, officially acknowledged "institutional racism" within the Metropolitan Police, confirming what Black communities had experienced for decades. The struggles over education and policing reveal how institutions shape Black British identity through both constraint and resistance. While these systems have often limited opportunities and reinforced racial hierarchies, they have also been sites where Black Britons have asserted their rights, created alternative institutions, and demanded recognition of their full humanity and citizenship. The supplementary school movement and campaigns against police brutality represent not just responses to discrimination but affirmative expressions of community self-determination that continue to influence contemporary Black British politics and culture.

Chapter 6: Cultural Resistance: From Supplementary Schools to Grime

The story of black Britain is not merely one of oppression but also of remarkable cultural innovation and resistance. From the moment the Empire Windrush docked at Tilbury in 1948, Caribbean migrants began reshaping British culture while simultaneously fighting for their rightful place in society. These pioneers created cultural spaces that served both as sanctuary from racism and as platforms for developing distinctively Black British forms of expression and political consciousness. Supplementary education represents one of the most significant forms of cultural resistance in post-war Black Britain. When mainstream schools failed Black children, communities established Saturday schools that provided both academic support and cultural education. These schools taught not only standard subjects but also Black history and culture absent from the national curriculum. They operated on minimal resources, often in church halls or community centers, with volunteer teachers giving their time to ensure children received the education denied them by the state. Beyond their educational function, these schools became important sites for community building and identity formation, where children could see their culture valued and their intelligence nurtured rather than suppressed. Music has been perhaps the most visible arena of Black British cultural resistance and innovation. From the sound systems of the 1970s to grime music in the 2000s, Black British artists have created distinctive cultural forms that speak to their experiences while influencing mainstream culture. Genres like lovers rock emerged as uniquely British adaptations of Jamaican reggae, addressing the specific experiences of young Black Britons. The development of jungle and drum and bass in the 1990s represented another distinctively Black British musical innovation, combining influences from reggae, hip-hop, and rave culture. These musical forms provided not just entertainment but spaces for community formation and political expression outside mainstream institutions. Literature and theater have provided additional avenues for cultural resistance. Writers like Sam Selvon, whose 1956 novel "The Lonely Londoners" chronicled the Windrush generation's experiences, created new literary forms that captured the linguistic innovations and social realities of Black British life. The Caribbean Artists Movement, founded in 1966, brought together writers, artists, and intellectuals to develop distinctively Caribbean-British aesthetic approaches. Theater companies like Temba Theatre Company and Black Theatre Co-operative created performance spaces where Black British experiences could be represented on their own terms rather than through white lenses. The 1970s and 80s saw the emergence of more explicitly political cultural forms. Poets like Linton Kwesi Johnson pioneered dub poetry, combining Jamaican musical traditions with politically charged lyrics addressing police brutality, immigration restrictions, and everyday racism. Bands like Steel Pulse used reggae to deliver messages of resistance and Black consciousness. The Rock Against Racism movement brought together Black and white musicians against the rising threat of the National Front, demonstrating how cultural resistance could build multiracial coalitions against fascism and racism. More recently, grime music has emerged as perhaps the most significant Black British cultural innovation of the 21st century. Developing in East London housing estates in the early 2000s, grime combined elements of UK garage, jungle, and hip-hop with distinctively British lyrical approaches and production techniques. Artists like Dizzee Rascal, Wiley, and later Stormzy created music that spoke directly to the experiences of young Black Britons growing up in austerity-era Britain. The 2017 Grime4Corbyn campaign demonstrated how this cultural form could translate into political power, mobilizing young voters and helping shift the center ground in British politics. Throughout these various forms, Black British cultural resistance has been characterized by its ability to create something new from diverse influences while maintaining connections to Caribbean, African, and African American traditions. It has consistently challenged negative stereotypes while creating spaces where Black Britons could express their full humanity outside the constraints of racist institutions. As Paul Gilroy has argued, these cultural forms have contributed to Britain's "convivial" culture—the everyday multiculturalism that exists despite official policies and institutional racism. They represent not just resistance to oppression but the creation of new possibilities for British identity and culture.

Chapter 7: Global Power Shifts: The Changing Landscape of Race Relations

The twenty-first century has witnessed profound shifts in global power that challenge the racial hierarchies established during European colonial expansion. The rise of China as an economic superpower, India's growing international influence, and the increasing economic importance of nations across the Global South represent a significant redistribution of power away from traditionally white-dominated nations. These changes are not merely economic but reflect deeper transformations in how global power and authority are distributed and legitimized in a post-colonial world. Western reactions to these shifts have been complex and often contradictory. On one hand, there has been recognition of the inevitability of a more multipolar world and attempts to adapt to this new reality through diplomatic and economic engagement. On the other hand, there has been anxiety about declining Western influence, sometimes expressed through nationalist movements that promise to restore former greatness. The Brexit campaign in Britain, with its nostalgic appeals to imperial greatness and promises to "take back control," can be partially understood as a reaction to these global power shifts and the perceived threat to white British dominance they represent. Within Western societies, demographic changes have paralleled global power shifts. Immigration, differential birth rates, and increasing intermarriage have meant that many Western countries are becoming more diverse, with white populations projected to become numerical minorities in several nations during this century. In Britain, the 2011 census revealed that white British people were already a minority in London, the capital city. These changes have produced both progressive multiracial coalitions and reactionary movements seeking to preserve white dominance. The concept of whiteness itself has evolved throughout history, expanding to include previously excluded groups like Irish, Italian, and Jewish people, and may continue to transform in response to contemporary pressures. Technology has accelerated these transformations by democratizing access to information and enabling new forms of cross-cultural exchange. Digital platforms allow direct communication between people across the globe, bypassing traditional gatekeepers of knowledge and culture. This has enabled the rapid spread of social movements like Black Lives Matter beyond national boundaries, creating new forms of transnational solidarity. The murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020 sparked protests not just across the United States but in cities throughout Britain and around the world, demonstrating how racial justice movements now operate on a global scale. Simultaneously, these same technologies have facilitated the spread of white nationalist ideologies and conspiracy theories that frame demographic change as existential threats. Climate change introduces another dimension to these power shifts, as its impacts are distributed unevenly across the globe. Many regions in the Global South face the most severe consequences despite having contributed least to carbon emissions. This environmental injustice has led to growing demands for climate reparations and a just transition that acknowledges historical responsibilities. As climate-induced migration increases, questions of borders, belonging, and resource distribution will become increasingly central to global politics, potentially reinforcing or transforming existing racial hierarchies. The racialized responses to migration in Europe and North America suggest that climate change may intensify rather than diminish the significance of race in global politics. Educational systems worldwide are becoming battlegrounds where these shifts are contested. Debates over curriculum content, particularly regarding colonial history and its legacies, reflect broader struggles over collective memory and national identity. In Britain, movements to "decolonize" education challenge Eurocentric perspectives that have dominated academic institutions. These efforts face significant resistance from those who see them as threats to traditional values and national cohesion, revealing how deeply racial hierarchies have been embedded in knowledge production itself. As one scholar noted, "The struggle over the past is always about the future" – determining whose stories are centered shapes how we understand both our history and our possible futures.

Summary

The central tension running through this history is between the ideology of racial hierarchy that justified empire and the persistent resistance to this ideology by those it sought to subjugate. From the construction of pseudo-scientific racial categories that enabled colonial exploitation to the contemporary debates about immigration and national identity, race has been a fundamental organizing principle in British society. Yet at every stage, this racial ordering has been challenged - through slave rebellions and anti-colonial movements, through community organizing and cultural innovation, through intellectual critique and political action. This tension continues in contemporary Britain, where multicultural realities coexist with institutional racism and where global power shifts challenge long-established racial hierarchies. Understanding this history offers crucial insights for navigating our present challenges. It suggests that meaningful progress requires not just acknowledging past injustices but actively dismantling the structures they created. It reminds us that resistance has always been possible even against seemingly overwhelming power, as demonstrated by the supplementary school movement that educated Black children when mainstream schools failed them, or the cultural innovations that transformed British music, literature, and art. Perhaps most importantly, it reveals that racial categories and hierarchies are not natural or inevitable but historically constructed – and therefore capable of being reconstructed in more just and equitable ways. By recognizing both the weight of this history and its malleability, we can work toward futures that transcend the limitations of our imperial past while building on the legacy of those who have always insisted on the possibility of a more just world.

About Author

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Akala

Kingslee James McLean Daley, better known by the stage name Akala, is an English rapper, author, poet, and political activist.Originally from Kentish Town, London he is the younger brother of rapper/vocalist Ms. Dynamite. In 2006, he was voted the Best Hip Hop Act at the MOBO Awards. He was awarded an honourary doctorate by the University of Brighton in 2018. In May 2018, Akala published Natives: Race and Class in the Ruins of Empire. The book is part memoir, part polemic, on the subject of race in modern Britain.Akala has given guest lectures at East 15 Acting School, University of Essex, Manchester Metropolitan University, Sydney University, Sheffield Hallam University, Cardiff University, and the International Slavery Museum, as well as a workshop on songwriting at the School of Oriental and African Studies. He has also spoken at the Oxford Union.[ He has also been involved in campaigns to 'decolonise' the curriculum including giving a talk at the University of Leicester.From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akala_(...

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