On His Own Terms

On His Own Terms Plot Summary

Introduction

In the tumultuous landscape of mid-20th century American politics, few figures loomed as large or as contradictory as Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller. Born into unimaginable wealth as the grandson of oil tycoon John D. Rockefeller, he could have lived a life of leisure and privilege. Instead, he chose a path of public service that would see him become a four-term governor of New York, Vice President of the United States, and one of the most influential voices for progressive Republicanism in an era of increasing conservatism. His story is one of boundless energy, relentless ambition, and an unwavering belief that government could be a force for positive change. What made Rockefeller such a compelling figure was his ability to defy easy categorization. A Republican with liberal instincts, a capitalist with a passion for public works, a patrician with a common touch - he navigated the contradictions of his identity with remarkable dexterity. Through his journey, we witness not only the evolution of American politics from the New Deal era through the tumultuous 1970s but also gain profound insights into the nature of political ambition, the responsibilities of wealth, and the complex relationship between personal conviction and public service in American democracy. His life offers a window into a vanished political tradition and reminds us that the boundaries between political ideologies are more fluid than we often assume.

Chapter 1: Privileged Beginnings: The Making of a Rockefeller

Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller was born on July 8, 1908, into what was then the wealthiest family in America. His grandfather, John D. Rockefeller Sr., had built Standard Oil into a monopoly that controlled 90 percent of American oil business, amassing a fortune that in today's terms would exceed $400 billion. His father, John D. Rockefeller Jr., had dedicated his life to philanthropy, working to redeem the family name from the "robber baron" reputation it had acquired. Growing up at the family estate in Pocantico Hills, New York, Nelson and his five siblings were raised with a strong sense of noblesse oblige - the belief that great wealth carried with it great responsibility. Despite his privileged upbringing, Nelson's early years were not without challenges. He struggled with undiagnosed dyslexia, which made traditional academic work difficult. Rather than being defeated by this challenge, Nelson developed compensatory skills that would serve him well in politics - a remarkable memory, an ability to grasp the big picture, and a talent for surrounding himself with capable people. His mother, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, encouraged his interest in art, which became a lifelong passion and would later influence his approach to public architecture and cultural policy. After graduating from Dartmouth College in 1930, Nelson married Mary Todhunter Clark, known as "Tod," a Philadelphia socialite who would bear him five children. The marriage, while socially advantageous, would eventually prove to be one of convenience rather than passion - a pattern that would repeat itself in Rockefeller's personal life. His professional career began at Rockefeller Center, the massive development project his father had initiated in Manhattan. Nelson threw himself into the work with characteristic enthusiasm, learning the art of management and public relations. When President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed him Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs in 1940, Rockefeller found his true calling in public service. Though only 32, the position gave him responsibility for improving relations with Latin America at a critical moment in world history. It also introduced him to the intoxicating world of government power, where his wealth and family connections could be leveraged for what he saw as the greater good. This experience shaped his worldview in profound ways, developing his lifelong commitment to international cooperation and his belief in the positive role government could play in addressing social problems. Throughout these formative years, Nelson was developing the traits that would define his later career - an insatiable curiosity, a talent for organization, a willingness to take risks, and an ability to inspire others with his enthusiasm and vision. These qualities, combined with his family name and connections, positioned him for a life of extraordinary influence at the intersection of business, politics, and public service. The reluctant heir had found his path, one that would lead him away from the purely financial empire of his grandfather and toward a different kind of power - the power to shape policy and change lives through public service.

Chapter 2: Early Public Service: Latin America and the Roosevelt Years

Nelson Rockefeller's entry into government service came at a critical moment in world history. As Nazi Germany conquered much of Europe and Imperial Japan expanded across Asia, the United States faced the challenge of protecting the Western Hemisphere from Axis influence. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, recognizing both Rockefeller's expertise in Latin American affairs and the symbolic value of enlisting a scion of American capitalism in the fight against fascism, appointed him Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (CIAA) in August 1940. From his office in the Commerce Department building, Rockefeller orchestrated a multifaceted campaign to strengthen hemispheric solidarity. The CIAA's activities ranged from economic warfare - buying up strategic materials to keep them out of Nazi hands - to cultural diplomacy through art exhibitions, musical performances, and educational exchanges. Rockefeller convinced Hollywood studios to produce films promoting the "Good Neighbor Policy" and established radio networks broadcasting American news and entertainment throughout Latin America. These efforts helped counter German propaganda and secure Latin American support for the Allied cause. Rockefeller's diplomatic style was characterized by personal engagement and boundless energy. He traveled extensively throughout Latin America, meeting with presidents and peasants alike. His ability to speak Spanish (learned despite his dyslexia) and his genuine interest in local cultures earned him goodwill that formal diplomacy alone could not achieve. In Mexico, he developed a rapport with President Lázaro Cárdenas that helped ease tensions following Mexico's nationalization of American oil properties. During a visit to Brazil, he secured agreements for crucial military bases that would prove vital in protecting Atlantic shipping lanes. Behind the scenes, Rockefeller navigated the treacherous waters of Washington bureaucracy with mixed results. His ambitious vision for Latin American development frequently brought him into conflict with the State Department, which viewed his agency as encroaching on its territory. A particularly bitter rivalry developed with Colonel William "Wild Bill" Donovan, head of the Office of the Coordinator of Information (later the OSS), over control of intelligence and propaganda activities. These bureaucratic battles taught Rockefeller valuable lessons about power in Washington - lessons he would apply throughout his later career. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, Rockefeller expanded his focus beyond countering Axis influence to actively promoting economic development. His "Basic Economy Program," launched in 1942 with $25 million from Roosevelt's emergency fund, established cooperative ventures called "servicios" that addressed public health, agriculture, and education throughout Latin America. These innovative partnerships, in which American experts worked alongside local officials with gradually decreasing U.S. financial support, became models for later international development efforts. By the time Rockefeller left the CIAA in December 1944 to become Assistant Secretary of State for Latin American Affairs, he had established himself as a significant figure in American diplomacy. Though his tenure at the State Department would be brief - ending in August 1945 when the Truman administration accepted his pro forma resignation - Rockefeller had made lasting contributions to inter-American relations. Perhaps most significantly, he had successfully advocated for Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, which preserved the right of regional security arrangements like the Rio Pact. This provision would later become the legal foundation for NATO and other Cold War alliances.

Chapter 3: Empire Builder: Transforming New York as Governor

Nelson Rockefeller's election as governor of New York in 1958 marked his transition from appointed official to elected leader. Defeating incumbent Democrat Averell Harriman by over 570,000 votes, Rockefeller brought to Albany his characteristic energy, ambition, and willingness to think on a grand scale. His inaugural address set the tone for what would become a fifteen-year tenure, declaring that government must be "an instrument of man's highest purpose - the building of a society where all may find fulfillment." From the outset, Rockefeller approached state governance with the same expansive vision he had brought to his earlier roles. He immediately pushed through tax increases to fund an ambitious agenda, arguing that fiscal responsibility meant paying for necessary programs rather than avoiding them. This "pay as you go" philosophy, while initially unpopular, allowed him to embark on a massive expansion of state infrastructure, education, and social services. Under his leadership, the State University of New York grew from a modest collection of teachers' colleges into one of the world's largest public university systems, with 72 campuses serving over 350,000 students. Infrastructure development became a hallmark of the Rockefeller governorship. He oversaw the construction of highways, bridges, parks, and public buildings throughout the state. The Empire State Plaza in Albany, a massive complex of government buildings that dramatically transformed the state capital, epitomized his approach - bold, modern, expensive, and controversial. Critics derided it as "Rocky's Pyramid," a monument to gubernatorial ego, but Rockefeller saw it as a symbol of governmental power and efficiency. "They used to laugh at my grandfather when he built Rockefeller Center," he said. "They'll come to like this place." On social issues, Rockefeller positioned himself as a progressive Republican, supporting civil rights legislation, environmental protection, and expanded social services. He created the nation's first state council on the arts and pioneered drug treatment programs. His approach to crime combined tough sentencing with rehabilitation efforts. This blend of fiscal conservatism and social progressivism came to define "Rockefeller Republicanism" - a pragmatic, results-oriented governance philosophy that prioritized problem-solving over ideological purity. By the mid-1960s, Rockefeller had transformed New York state government into what political scientist Richard Neustadt called "the most creative laboratory of public policy in America." His administration attracted talented individuals from business, academia, and public service who shared his belief that government could and should address complex social problems. While his methods were sometimes autocratic and his spending drew criticism from fiscal conservatives, Rockefeller's governorship demonstrated his core belief that effective leadership required both vision and the willingness to use power decisively. The most tragic and controversial episode of Rockefeller's governorship came in September 1971 at Attica Correctional Facility. When inmates seized control of part of the prison and took several dozen guards hostage, Rockefeller refused pleas to come to the prison personally. After four days of negotiations, he authorized state police to retake the prison by force. The resulting assault left 43 people dead - 33 inmates and 10 hostages - all killed by police gunfire. This decision, and the subsequent attempt to blame inmates for the deaths, tarnished Rockefeller's reputation and raised questions about his judgment in crisis situations.

Chapter 4: Presidential Ambitions and Republican Party Struggles

Nelson Rockefeller's presidential ambitions emerged naturally from his success as governor and his lifelong sense of destiny. Having established himself as a formidable political figure in New York, he set his sights on the White House, believing he could bring his brand of progressive Republicanism to national leadership. His first serious consideration of a presidential run came in 1960, when he briefly positioned himself as an alternative to Vice President Richard Nixon for the Republican nomination. Rockefeller's approach to presidential politics revealed both his strengths and limitations as a national figure. Rather than focusing primarily on building relationships with party leaders and activists, he emphasized policy positions and commissioned extensive studies on national challenges. In December 1959, he withdrew from the 1960 race, only to re-enter the fray months later by issuing a public challenge to Nixon on policy grounds. This culminated in the infamous "Treaty of Fifth Avenue," where Nixon traveled to Rockefeller's New York apartment and accepted many of his policy positions to secure party unity. While demonstrating Rockefeller's policy influence, the episode alienated many Republican conservatives who saw it as arrogant and presumptuous. The 1964 presidential campaign proved even more problematic for Rockefeller. Positioning himself against Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, who represented the party's growing conservative wing, Rockefeller waged a bitter primary battle. His campaign was further complicated by his 1963 divorce from his first wife, Tod, and subsequent marriage to Margaretta "Happy" Murphy, who had divorced her husband to marry him. The scandal damaged his image, particularly among socially conservative voters. Despite winning several primaries, including the crucial California contest, Rockefeller could not overcome Goldwater's support among party activists. At the Republican convention in San Francisco, Rockefeller delivered a speech denouncing "extremism" within the party. As he spoke, he was booed and jeered by Goldwater supporters in what journalists described as "Bastille Day in reverse." The hostility he faced that night crystallized the rejection of Rockefeller Republicanism by the party's ascendant conservative wing. Goldwater went on to suffer a crushing defeat in the general election, a result that Rockefeller had predicted but took no satisfaction in. Rockefeller made a final bid for the presidency in 1968, again challenging Nixon, but with even less success than before. His inability to secure the nomination despite his wealth, name recognition, and gubernatorial accomplishments reflected a fundamental political reality: the Republican Party was moving rightward, away from the moderate, northeastern establishment that Rockefeller represented. His vision of an activist government addressing social problems through public-private partnerships increasingly found itself at odds with the small-government, socially conservative direction of the GOP. Throughout these campaigns, Rockefeller remained convinced that his approach to governance represented the best path forward for both his party and the nation. This conviction, while admirable in its consistency, ultimately limited his political flexibility and contributed to his failure to achieve his highest ambition. His presidential defeats revealed the fundamental contradiction of his political identity - too liberal for his own party but unable to switch allegiances due to his family tradition and personal connections to Republican politics.

Chapter 5: The Art Patron: Cultural Legacy and Aesthetic Vision

Throughout his life, Nelson Rockefeller maintained a passionate commitment to the arts that rivaled his political ambitions. His mother, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, had instilled in him an appreciation for both traditional and modern art forms. While still in his twenties, Nelson began building his own collection, focusing initially on modern masters like Picasso, Matisse, and Braque. Unlike many wealthy collectors who relied on advisors, Rockefeller developed his own distinctive taste, often making impulsive purchases based on emotional response rather than investment potential. Rockefeller's collecting interests eventually expanded beyond Western modernism to encompass pre-Columbian, African, and Oceanic art. He established the Museum of Primitive Art in a townhouse adjacent to his New York home, showcasing works that had previously been categorized as anthropological specimens rather than fine art. This institution, founded in 1957, helped legitimize non-Western artistic traditions in American cultural circles. In 1969, Rockefeller arranged for the collection to be transferred to the Metropolitan Museum of Art, where it formed the nucleus of a new wing bearing his name. As governor of New York, Rockefeller institutionalized his commitment to the arts through public policy. In 1960, he established the New York State Council on the Arts, the first state agency dedicated to supporting cultural organizations through government grants. This pioneering initiative provided a model for the National Endowment for the Arts created five years later. Under Rockefeller's leadership, New York became the nation's leader in public funding for the arts, supporting everything from major museums to community theaters in rural counties. Architecture provided another outlet for Rockefeller's creative vision. Working closely with architect Wallace Harrison, he helped shape numerous landmark buildings, including the United Nations headquarters, Lincoln Center, and the Empire State Plaza in Albany. These projects reflected his preference for monumental modernism - bold, clean-lined structures that projected power and optimism. Critics sometimes derided these buildings as grandiose or impersonal, but they embodied Rockefeller's belief that architecture could transform civic life and express democratic values through physical form. In his personal spaces, Rockefeller surrounded himself with art that reflected his eclectic tastes. His homes featured striking juxtapositions - Picasso paintings alongside pre-Columbian sculptures, contemporary furniture with ancient artifacts. This aesthetic adventurousness reflected his intellectual curiosity and willingness to challenge conventional boundaries. For Rockefeller, art was not merely decoration but a vital expression of human creativity that transcended cultural and historical divisions. Rockefeller's cultural legacy extends beyond his collections and the institutions he supported. He helped democratize art appreciation by bringing modernism to mainstream America through exhibitions, publications, and public installations. His insistence that government had a legitimate role in supporting the arts challenged conservative orthodoxy and expanded the definition of public goods. Though his political career ended in disappointment, his cultural initiatives continue to enrich American life through the institutions and collections he helped create. As MoMA director Alfred Barr once observed, "Nelson needs art more than any man I know" - a recognition that for Rockefeller, aesthetic experience was not a luxury but a necessity.

Chapter 6: Final Act: Vice Presidency and Political Twilight

Nelson Rockefeller's appointment as Vice President in 1974 came through an unprecedented constitutional process. Following Richard Nixon's resignation amid the Watergate scandal, new President Gerald Ford used the 25th Amendment to nominate Rockefeller as his vice president. After exhaustive confirmation hearings that scrutinized his vast wealth and business connections, Rockefeller was sworn in on December 19, 1974, becoming the second appointed vice president in American history. The vice presidency proved to be a frustrating capstone to Rockefeller's political career. Though Ford initially promised him a major role in domestic policy, conservative pressure within the Republican Party gradually marginalized his influence. As chairman of the Domestic Council, Rockefeller developed ambitious programs to address energy independence, economic recovery, and urban problems, but few of his proposals gained traction. His liberal views on social issues and his advocacy for increased federal spending put him at odds with administration conservatives led by Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld and his deputy, Dick Cheney. Perhaps Rockefeller's most significant contribution as vice president was his leadership of the Commission on CIA Activities within the United States. Established in response to revelations about intelligence abuses, the commission's investigations led to important reforms in oversight of the intelligence community. Rockefeller brought to this task his characteristic thoroughness and commitment to good governance, even when the findings proved embarrassing to the government. By 1975, Rockefeller's political isolation was complete. Recognizing that his presence on the ticket would hurt Ford's chances of winning the 1976 Republican nomination against the conservative challenge of Ronald Reagan, Rockefeller announced he would not seek the vice presidency for a full term. Though he campaigned loyally for Ford, his withdrawal symbolized the eclipse of moderate Republicanism by the party's ascendant conservative wing. At the 1976 Republican convention in Kansas City, Rockefeller's frustration boiled over when he physically tore a Reagan campaign sign from a delegate's hands and later gave photographers what became an iconic image - the Vice President of the United States extending his middle finger to political opponents. After leaving office in January 1977, Rockefeller returned to his many business, philanthropic, and artistic interests. He continued to chair the Museum of Modern Art and oversee the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. He also devoted time to organizing his extensive art collection, planning new buildings, and enjoying his family life with Happy and their two young children. This period of relative tranquility ended abruptly on January 26, 1979, when Rockefeller suffered a fatal heart attack at his office in Rockefeller Center. The circumstances of his death - he was in the company of a young female assistant - created a final controversy that temporarily overshadowed his substantial achievements. Rockefeller's death at age 70 marked the end of an era in American politics. As the most prominent representative of moderate Republicanism, his passing symbolized the declining influence of the pragmatic, internationalist wing of the party. The controversies surrounding his personal life and death reflected the changing media environment and public expectations about transparency in the post-Watergate era. Yet beyond these immediate reactions, Rockefeller left a lasting impact through the institutions he built, the art he collected and shared, and his model of public service that combined wealth with a genuine commitment to addressing social problems through creative governance.

Summary

Nelson Rockefeller's life embodied the complexities and contradictions of twentieth-century American politics. Born to extraordinary privilege, he nevertheless devoted himself to public service with genuine passion and commitment. His greatest achievements came as governor of New York, where his ambitious expansion of education, infrastructure, and social services transformed the state and established models that influenced policy nationwide. Yet his presidential ambitions were repeatedly thwarted by a Republican Party moving away from his brand of progressive Republicanism toward a more conservative ideology that viewed government activism with suspicion. Rockefeller's legacy offers a window into a vanished political tradition - the moderate Republicanism that once dominated the party's northeastern wing. His belief that government could and should be a positive force for solving social problems stands in stark contrast to later Republican orthodoxy. His life reminds us that political ideologies are not fixed but evolve over time, sometimes leaving behind figures who once defined their parties. Perhaps most importantly, Rockefeller demonstrated that wealth and privilege need not lead to indifference or isolation but can be channeled toward public service and the pursuit of a more equitable society. In an age of increasing polarization and governmental paralysis, his unflagging belief that problems could be solved through bold action and practical compromise remains his most relevant legacy.

About Author

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Richard Norton Smith

Richard Norton Smith is an American historian and author, specializing in U.S. presidents and other political figures. In the past, he worked as a freelance writer for The Washington Post, and worked with U.S. Senators Edward Brooke and Bob Dole.

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