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Restart

The Last Chance for the Indian Economy

3.9 (295 ratings)
28 minutes read | Text | 10 key ideas
India stands at a crossroads, teetering between its dreams of economic triumph and the stark realities of its present struggles. In "Restart," Mihir S. Sharma dismantles the illusion of inevitability, asking tough questions about the nation's trajectory. With a critical eye, Sharma navigates the labyrinth of policies, administrative quagmires, and ingrained attitudes that hinder progress. This isn't a tale of doom but a blueprint for a resurgence, where unconventional solutions pave the way for a billion ambitions to thrive. "Restart" challenges conventional wisdom, offering a bold vision that could redefine India's future faster than one might expect. Dive into this provocative exploration and uncover how the vibrant tapestry of India can reclaim its narrative on the world stage.

Categories

Business, Nonfiction, Economics, Politics, Essays, India, Indian Literature

Content Type

Book

Binding

Kindle Edition

Year

2016

Publisher

Random House India, 2015

Language

English

ASIN

B00S189Q5S

ISBN13

9788184006797

File Download

PDF | EPUB

Restart Plot Summary

Introduction

In the sweltering summer of 1991, India stood at the precipice of economic collapse. Foreign exchange reserves had dwindled to just three weeks' worth of imports, and the government was forced to airlift gold reserves to London as collateral for emergency loans. This moment of national humiliation marked the end of India's four-decade experiment with socialist planning and the beginning of its integration into the global economy. The transformation that followed would fundamentally reshape not just India's economic landscape but its social fabric and place in the world. This economic journey reveals fascinating tensions that continue to define India today: between state control and market forces, between tradition and modernity, between spectacular growth and persistent inequality. Through examining key periods from the stifling "License Raj" to the liberalization reforms, from the boom years to the challenges of crony capitalism, we gain insight into both India's remarkable achievements and its unfulfilled potential. For anyone seeking to understand how the world's largest democracy navigates the complexities of development, this exploration offers valuable lessons about the promises and pitfalls of economic transformation in the 21st century.

Chapter 1: The License Raj: Bureaucratic Shackles (1947-1990)

When India gained independence in 1947, its leaders faced the monumental task of building a modern economy from the ruins of colonial exploitation. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, influenced by Soviet-style planning, established a system where the state would guide economic development through five-year plans, public sector enterprises, and strict regulation of private business. This approach, while understandable in the post-colonial context, evolved into what became derisively known as the "License Raj" – a byzantine system of permits, quotas, and controls that would strangle economic growth for decades. The bureaucratic apparatus that emerged was staggering in its complexity. Entrepreneurs needed up to 80 separate permissions to start a business, with approval processes that could take years. The infamous Factories Act required maintaining dozens of different registers, including absurdities like the "Lime Register" documenting wall whitewashing. Industrial policy restricted which companies could produce what goods and in what quantities, creating artificial scarcity in everything from automobiles to telephones. Foreign exchange was strictly controlled, making imports of technology and components nearly impossible without special approvals. This regulatory nightmare created what economists call a "capacity constraint" – India systematically underbuilt everything from roads to power plants to judicial systems. A peculiar aversion to excess capacity developed, with planners considering it wasteful rather than necessary for growth. The result was perpetually overcrowded trains, hospitals, and schools. By the 1980s, even major infrastructure like Howrah Station in Calcutta had barely expanded despite passenger traffic increasing a hundredfold since its construction in 1905. Labor laws presented another major obstacle to growth. While ostensibly designed to protect workers, they paradoxically prevented job creation. Companies with more than 100 employees faced such onerous regulations regarding firing that they simply avoided hiring in the first place. The textile industry, once India's manufacturing pride, was decimated by these restrictions. Meanwhile, Bangladesh, with less restrictive labor laws, eventually employed proportionally five times more people in textiles than India, despite starting from a much lower base. The economic consequences were predictable but devastating. Growth averaged a mere 3.5% annually from 1950 to 1980, mockingly called the "Hindu rate of growth" by economists. With population growing at nearly 2% annually, per capita income barely improved for decades. Manufacturing remained stunted, with India's share of global exports declining from 2.4% at independence to 0.4% by 1980. Perhaps most damaging was the entrepreneurial energy wasted on navigating bureaucracy rather than building businesses – what economists call "rent-seeking" rather than value creation. By the late 1980s, this system had become unsustainable. The fiscal deficit ballooned as government spending outpaced revenue. Foreign debt mounted as India borrowed to cover its growing trade deficit. A generation of young Indians, better educated than their parents but facing limited opportunities, grew increasingly frustrated. The stage was set for a crisis that would finally force India to abandon its failed economic model and embrace reform – though the transition would prove neither smooth nor complete.

Chapter 2: Crisis and Liberalization: The Watershed of 1991

The summer of 1991 marked India's darkest economic hour since independence. Foreign exchange reserves had plummeted to just $1.2 billion – barely enough for three weeks of essential imports. The government found itself unable to service its foreign debt, and commercial banks refused to lend to India. In a moment of profound national humiliation, 67 tons of gold from India's reserves had to be physically airlifted to London as collateral for emergency loans from the International Monetary Fund. The country that had prided itself on self-reliance stood at the brink of bankruptcy. This crisis was the culmination of decades of economic mismanagement, particularly accelerated during Rajiv Gandhi's tenure as Prime Minister (1984-1989). His government had dramatically increased spending without corresponding revenue growth, creating unsustainable fiscal deficits. The Gulf War of 1990-91 delivered the final blow, causing oil prices to spike and remittances from Indian workers in the Middle East to collapse. By June 1991, India was perilously close to defaulting on its international loan payments. Into this crisis stepped two key figures: Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and his Finance Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh. On July 24, 1991, Dr. Singh delivered his landmark budget speech, famously quoting Victor Hugo: "No power on earth can stop an idea whose time has come." The reforms he announced were revolutionary for India: devaluation of the rupee by 20%, dismantling of industrial licensing, reduction of import tariffs from an average of 87% to 33%, opening up to foreign investment, and privatization of public sector enterprises. The immediate results were impressive. The economy stabilized quickly, with foreign exchange reserves rebuilding and inflation moderating. Foreign investment began flowing in, bringing not just capital but new technologies and management practices. New products appeared on Indian shelves, ending decades of consumer scarcity. Growth rates accelerated from the previous "Hindu rate" to 6-7% annually. A new entrepreneurial energy was unleashed, particularly in sectors like information technology that had been less constrained by the old regulatory regime. However, the reforms had significant limitations. They were presented not as a fundamental change in direction but as temporary emergency measures. Rao himself described them as "a complete U-turn without seeming to be a U-turn" because "you cannot afford U-turns in this country." This political caution meant that while product markets were liberalized, factor markets for land and labor remained heavily regulated. The government reformed external trade but not internal trade between states. The banking system was partially liberalized but remained dominated by state-owned banks. The 1991 reforms represented what economists call a "partial equilibrium" change – altering some aspects of the economy while leaving others untouched. This created new contradictions and imbalances that would shape India's development for decades to come. The country had abandoned central planning but not fully embraced market mechanisms. It had opened to global trade but maintained protections for politically sensitive sectors. Most importantly, it had changed policies without fundamentally reforming institutions. This unfinished revolution would define the challenges and opportunities of India's economic future.

Chapter 3: The Golden Years: Growth Without Reform (2004-2011)

Between 2004 and 2011, India experienced what economists later called its "golden years" – a period of unprecedented prosperity when GDP growth averaged an impressive 8.1% annually. This economic boom coincided with Manmohan Singh's tenure as Prime Minister, bringing a certain poetic justice to the man who had initiated India's economic reforms in 1991. Foreign investment flowed in at record levels, the stock market soared, and Indian companies began making ambitious overseas acquisitions. For a brief moment, it seemed India might match China's economic miracle. Several factors converged to create this extraordinary growth period. Global economic conditions were highly favorable, with abundant liquidity in international markets seeking investment opportunities in emerging economies. The information technology revolution was in full swing, with India's English-speaking workforce perfectly positioned to capitalize on the global outsourcing trend. Domestically, the reforms of the 1990s had created a foundation for growth in key sectors like telecommunications, banking, and pharmaceuticals. Perhaps most importantly, Indian businesses were brimming with confidence, expanding aggressively both at home and abroad. Infrastructure development became a central focus during this period. Dr. Singh's government launched an ambitious public-private partnership (PPP) model to build roads, ports, airports, and power plants. The National Highways Development Project transformed India's road network, while private companies built new airports in major cities like Bangalore, Hyderabad, and Delhi. The telecom revolution connected hundreds of millions of Indians to mobile networks, creating new markets and opportunities. Urban consumption boomed as a growing middle class embraced new lifestyles and aspirations. However, beneath the surface of this prosperity, serious structural problems were developing. The government's fiscal position deteriorated as it failed to take advantage of high growth to consolidate its finances. Instead of saving during these "seven years of plenty" (like the biblical Joseph advised Pharaoh), the government expanded subsidies and welfare programs. The fiscal deficit remained stubbornly high, averaging around 4.7% of GDP during this period. More worryingly, inflation began accelerating, particularly in food prices, eroding the gains for poor households. The public-private partnership model also began showing serious flaws. Government agencies struggled to write enforceable contracts, while private companies frequently renegotiated terms after winning bids. Natural resources like coal mines and telecom spectrum were allocated through opaque administrative processes rather than transparent auctions, creating opportunities for corruption. Environmental clearances became increasingly arbitrary, with projects approved or rejected based on political considerations rather than consistent standards. By 2010, major corruption scandals were erupting around coal block allocations and telecom licenses. By 2011, these contradictions began catching up with the economy. Investment projects worth billions of dollars were stalled due to regulatory hurdles, land acquisition problems, or lack of fuel supply. Growth rates fell from over 8% to below 5% within two years. The "golden years" had ended, revealing a fundamental truth about India's growth model: it had been built on favorable global conditions and business optimism rather than deep structural reforms. The country had experienced growth without reform – a pattern that proved unsustainable when external conditions changed. This period demonstrated that while economic liberalization had unleashed India's potential, completing the reform agenda remained essential for sustaining prosperity.

Chapter 4: Crony Capitalism and Resource Misallocation

As India's economic boom faded after 2011, a troubling pattern became increasingly apparent: the rise of resource-based crony capitalism. Unlike the wealth creation in Silicon Valley or East Asian manufacturing hubs, which came primarily from innovation and productivity, many of India's largest fortunes were built through preferential access to natural resources, government contracts, and regulatory favors. This distortion wasn't just morally problematic – it fundamentally undermined economic efficiency and growth potential. The coal sector exemplified this pattern. Despite having the world's fifth-largest coal reserves, India faced chronic shortages that crippled power generation. Rather than reforming Coal India, the inefficient state monopoly, the government began allocating coal blocks to private companies through an opaque "screening committee" process. These allocations, made without competitive bidding, transferred valuable assets at a fraction of their market value. When India's Comptroller and Auditor General calculated the resulting loss to the public treasury at approximately $33 billion in 2012, the "Coalgate" scandal erupted, eventually leading the Supreme Court to cancel all 214 coal block allocations in 2014. Similar patterns played out across sectors. In telecommunications, the "2G scam" revealed how spectrum licenses were allocated on a first-come, first-served basis at 2001 prices, despite the market value having multiplied. In infrastructure, politically connected companies secured contracts through aggressive bidding, only to renegotiate terms later. Land acquisition for industrial projects became a mechanism for transferring agricultural land to developers at below-market rates, triggering social conflicts across the country. As economist Raghuram Rajan observed, India had developed characteristics of a "resource economy" where wealth came primarily from controlling scarce resources rather than creating new value. This resource-based cronyism created a toxic business environment. Companies focused on securing government favors rather than improving productivity or innovation. Political connections became more valuable than operational efficiency. The result was what economists call "misallocation" – capital, labor, and resources flowing to politically connected but inefficient firms rather than to the most productive enterprises. Studies showed that this misallocation reduced India's total factor productivity by as much as 40-60% compared to what it could have been with more efficient resource allocation. Corporate governance suffered severely in this environment. Many Indian companies remained family-controlled despite being publicly listed, with "promoters" (founding families) maintaining control through complex ownership structures while owning relatively small percentages of shares. Minority shareholders were routinely exploited through related-party transactions that benefited promoters at the expense of the company. For example, some listed companies paid enormous sums to promoter-owned entities for "brand royalties" or "management services" with little transparency or justification. By 2014, the costs of this crony capitalism had become impossible to ignore. Economic growth had slowed dramatically, investment had collapsed, and public trust in both business and government had eroded. The resource curse that typically afflicts oil-rich developing nations had manifested in India's democratic context. The lesson was clear but painful: economic liberalization without institutional reform and transparent governance creates opportunities not for broad-based prosperity but for narrow rent-seeking. Breaking this pattern would require fundamental changes in how resources were allocated and how the relationship between business and government was structured.

Chapter 5: The Jugaad Trap: Innovation's False Promise

"Jugaad" – the uniquely Indian concept of improvised solutions using limited resources – has long been celebrated as a national virtue. From farmers repurposing old machinery to entrepreneurs creating frugal innovations, this makeshift ingenuity has helped Indians navigate scarcity and institutional voids. During the 2000s, management consultants and business gurus began promoting jugaad as India's competitive advantage in the global economy, coining terms like "frugal innovation" and "doing more with less." Books like "Jugaad Innovation" became international bestsellers, suggesting that Western companies could learn from India's resourceful approach. However, this celebration of jugaad masked a troubling reality: Indian businesses were stuck in a low-cost, low-quality, low-innovation equilibrium. Rather than investing in research and development or building world-class capabilities, companies focused on cutting corners and finding workarounds. The pharmaceutical industry illustrates this pattern perfectly. Indian generic drug manufacturers became global players not by developing new medicines but by reverse-engineering existing ones and producing them at lower costs, often with questionable quality controls. The case of Ranbaxy Laboratories reveals the dark side of this approach. Once hailed as India's pharmaceutical champion, Ranbaxy pleaded guilty in 2013 to felony charges in the United States for manufacturing adulterated drugs and falsifying data. Investigations revealed systemic fraud, including fabricated test results and unsafe manufacturing practices. This wasn't just a case of one bad company – the European Commission estimated that 75% of counterfeit medicines worldwide originated from India. The jugaad mindset had evolved from clever adaptation to dangerous corner-cutting. This low-innovation trap extended across sectors. India's information technology giants built their business models around labor arbitrage – providing lower-cost services using India's abundant engineering graduates – rather than developing proprietary technologies or products. Manufacturing companies focused on producing for the protected domestic market rather than competing globally on quality. Even celebrated entrepreneurs like Vijay Mallya of Kingfisher built businesses based on regulatory arbitrage and political connections rather than operational excellence. Government policies reinforced this equilibrium. Weak intellectual property protection discouraged investment in original research. Labor laws that made it difficult to scale up or down incentivized keeping operations small and informal. Tax and regulatory exemptions for small-scale industries created a "small is beautiful" mindset that prevented companies from achieving economies of scale. The result was an industrial landscape dominated by subscale, inefficient firms unable to compete globally. The jugaad trap represents a profound development challenge. While improvisation helps survive scarcity, it cannot build prosperity. As Anand Mahindra, one of India's more forward-thinking industrialists, observed: "Jugaad does imply a positive 'can-do' attitude, but unfortunately, also involves a 'make-do' approach. It can, hence, lead to compromises on quality and rarely involves cutting-edge or breakthrough technology." Breaking out of this trap requires not celebrating makeshift solutions but creating the conditions for systematic innovation and quality-focused growth – including stronger intellectual property rights, better technical education, and a regulatory environment that rewards excellence rather than mere compliance.

Chapter 6: Infrastructure Deficit: The Missing Foundation

India's infrastructure deficit represents perhaps the most visible and damaging constraint on its economic potential. The country's physical infrastructure – roads, railways, ports, power plants, and urban systems – has consistently failed to keep pace with the needs of its growing economy and population, creating bottlenecks that strangle productivity and growth. This deficit isn't just an inconvenience; it's a fundamental barrier to development that affects everything from manufacturing competitiveness to quality of life. The scale of this deficit is staggering. In the early 2010s, the government estimated that India needed to invest $1 trillion in infrastructure over five years – more than half its annual GDP. Power shortages were endemic, with even major cities experiencing daily outages of 4-6 hours. Only about 60% of India's roads were paved, and traffic moved at an average speed of 30-40 kilometers per hour on national highways. Major ports operated at 80-90% capacity, creating constant congestion and delays. Urban infrastructure was particularly stressed, with most cities lacking adequate water supply, sewage treatment, or public transportation. The human and economic costs of this infrastructure deficit are enormous. Indian manufacturers spend 14% of their costs on logistics compared to 8% in China, making them uncompetitive globally despite lower labor costs. According to the World Bank, Indian truck drivers spend 25% of their time waiting at state border checkpoints and another 35% at toll plazas, meaning they drive for less than 40% of their working hours. One exporter complained that it took longer to transport goods from Delhi to Mumbai's port than for those goods to sail from Mumbai to Europe. For ordinary citizens, the costs include hours spent commuting, unreliable utilities, and health impacts from pollution and inadequate sanitation. Attempts to address this deficit have been plagued by four persistent problems. First, financing has been inadequate, with neither public nor private sources providing sufficient capital. Government spending on infrastructure has typically been around 5% of GDP, well below the 8-10% needed. Second, land acquisition has been extraordinarily difficult, with projects frequently stalled by disputes over compensation or rehabilitation. The Land Acquisition Act of 2013, while providing important protections for landowners, made the process so complex that many projects became unviable. Third, environmental regulations have been applied inconsistently and often arbitrarily, creating uncertainty for project developers. Projects could be approved quickly or delayed for years based on political considerations rather than consistent standards. Fourth, contractual frameworks for public-private partnerships have been poorly designed, leading to renegotiations and disputes. Many private developers bid aggressively to win contracts, only to find the projects unviable and demand renegotiation. The result has been a growing portfolio of stalled or abandoned projects that tied up capital without delivering services. Perhaps most concerning is how the infrastructure deficit reinforces inequality. The wealthy can bypass public infrastructure through private solutions – generators for electricity, private vehicles instead of public transport, bottled water instead of municipal supply – while the poor remain trapped in systems that fail to meet their basic needs. This creates what economists call a "dual economy," where different segments of society experience fundamentally different living conditions and opportunities. Breaking this cycle requires not just more investment, but fundamental reforms in how infrastructure is planned, financed, and delivered – including more transparent land acquisition, better contract design, and stronger institutional capacity at all levels of government.

Chapter 7: Manufacturing Dreams: The Industrialization Failure

India's failure to develop a robust manufacturing sector represents one of the most significant disappointments of its economic journey. Unlike China, South Korea, or other Asian tigers that used manufacturing-led growth to create millions of jobs and lift their populations out of poverty, India has experienced what economists call "premature deindustrialization" – its manufacturing sector began shrinking before the country reached middle-income status. This anomalous development path has profound implications for employment, inequality, and social stability. The statistics tell a sobering story. Manufacturing's share in India's GDP peaked at just 18% in the mid-1990s and has since declined to around 15%. This is far below the 25-35% typically seen in successful industrializing economies. More alarmingly, manufacturing employment has stagnated at around 12% of the workforce, compared to over 30% in China during its rapid growth phase. For a country adding 12 million people to its workforce annually, this represents a catastrophic failure to create productive jobs. The decline of India's textile industry illustrates this failure dramatically. Before liberalization in 1991, India had thriving textile mills in cities like Mumbai (then Bombay), Kanpur, and Ahmedabad. These mills not only provided stable employment but created the beginnings of an industrial working class that could form the foundation of a broad middle class. However, by the early 2000s, most of these mills had closed. The contrast with Bangladesh is particularly telling: in 1991, Bangladesh's textile exports were worth $2 billion while India's were $12 billion; by 2019, Bangladesh's had surged to $34 billion while India's had grown to only $38 billion, despite India's economy being ten times larger. Multiple factors contributed to this manufacturing failure. Labor laws made it virtually impossible to adjust workforce size in response to market conditions, discouraging companies from growing beyond 100 employees. The Industrial Disputes Act of 1947 required government permission for layoffs or closures in firms with more than 100 workers – permission that was rarely granted. Land acquisition for factories became increasingly difficult and expensive. Infrastructure deficiencies made logistics costs prohibitively high. Environmental regulations were applied unpredictably, creating uncertainty for investors. The rupee's exchange rate was often allowed to appreciate, making exports uncompetitive. Cultural factors also played a role. There exists in India a social stigma attached to manual labor and a corresponding prestige associated with white-collar work. This attitude, rooted in caste hierarchies, has made manufacturing jobs unattractive even when they pay well. Educational aspirations have focused overwhelmingly on engineering and management degrees rather than technical and vocational training. The result is a mismatch between the skills the workforce possesses and those the manufacturing sector requires. The consequences of this manufacturing failure extend beyond economics into social stability. Without factory jobs to absorb workers leaving agriculture, millions have ended up in low-productivity, insecure service sector employment – driving rickshaws, working as security guards, or selling goods on the street. These jobs provide subsistence but rarely a path to middle-class security. The result is growing inequality and social tension, as young people with rising aspirations face limited opportunities for advancement. As economist Dani Rodrik has observed, India has become "a service-led economy without having gone through a proper manufacturing phase," creating a development model that generates growth but not enough good jobs.

Chapter 8: The Path Forward: Completing the Reform Agenda

After decades of partial reforms and missed opportunities, India stands at a critical juncture. The economic transformation that began in 1991 remains unfinished, with the country achieving neither the high-growth sustainability of East Asia nor the inclusive welfare systems of Western democracies. Yet India's potential remains enormous – with its young population, democratic institutions, and entrepreneurial energy providing the essential ingredients for a development breakthrough. Completing the reform agenda requires addressing five interconnected challenges that have consistently constrained India's economic performance. The first priority must be reforming factor markets – land, labor, and capital – that were largely untouched by the 1991 liberalization. Land acquisition remains extraordinarily difficult, with the 2013 Land Acquisition Act imposing requirements that make industrial projects virtually impossible in many areas. A more balanced approach is needed that provides fair compensation to landowners while creating predictable processes for legitimate development. Labor laws continue to discourage formal employment, with over 40 central laws and hundreds of state laws creating a regulatory maze. Consolidating these into a simpler code with reasonable protections would encourage job creation while maintaining basic rights. Infrastructure development requires fundamental rethinking. Rather than relying on public-private partnerships that have frequently failed, India needs to strengthen the government's capacity to plan and execute projects while creating truly independent regulatory frameworks. This means professionalizing government agencies, improving project preparation, and developing more sophisticated financing mechanisms. It also means addressing the chronic underpricing of infrastructure services – from electricity to water to roads – that makes projects financially unsustainable. Users must pay reasonable prices for services, with targeted subsidies for the truly needy rather than across-the-board underpricing. Manufacturing revival demands a comprehensive industrial policy that addresses both supply and demand constraints. On the supply side, this means creating industrial parks with reliable infrastructure, simplified regulations, and access to skilled labor. On the demand side, it means negotiating trade agreements that provide access to global markets while gradually exposing Indian companies to international competition. Most importantly, it means fostering a culture of quality and innovation rather than celebrating "jugaad" solutions. As one industrialist put it, "We need to move from 'Make in India' to 'Make Well in India.'" Governance reform underlies all these priorities. India's bureaucracy needs to shift from controlling to enabling, from procedure to outcomes. This means simplifying regulations, digitizing government services, strengthening local governments, and creating genuine accountability mechanisms. It also means addressing the corruption and cronyism that have undermined public trust in both government and business. The allocation of natural resources – from spectrum to mining rights – must be transparent and competitive, breaking the nexus between political connections and business success. Perhaps most fundamentally, India needs to develop a new social contract that balances growth with inclusion. The old model of state-led development failed to deliver either growth or equity. The post-1991 model delivered growth but with increasing inequality. A new approach must recognize that sustainable growth requires broad-based participation – through quality education, healthcare, social protection, and genuine equality of opportunity. This isn't just about welfare; it's about creating the human capital and social stability needed for long-term prosperity. The path forward won't be easy. Powerful interests benefit from the status quo, and reforms always create short-term losers even when they produce long-term gains for society. Yet India has demonstrated remarkable resilience and adaptability throughout its economic journey. The crisis of 1991 produced transformative reforms; today's challenges could catalyze equally significant changes. With vision, determination, and pragmatic policies that transcend ideological divides, India can complete its economic transformation and create a model of development that combines growth with democracy, innovation with inclusion, and global integration with national resilience.

Summary

India's economic transformation reveals a fundamental tension that has shaped the country's development path: the struggle between state control and market forces, between protection and openness, between continuity and change. This tension has produced a distinctive pattern of reform – cautious, incremental, and often driven by crisis rather than conviction. The 1991 liberalization, born of necessity rather than choice, set India on a new trajectory but left many structural issues unaddressed. The subsequent decades saw periods of remarkable growth interrupted by stagnation, as policymakers alternated between bold reform and cautious retreat. The lessons from this journey offer valuable insights for emerging economies everywhere. First, growth without institutional reform creates opportunities for rent-seeking rather than broad-based prosperity. India's experience with resource-based crony capitalism demonstrates how weak governance can undermine even the most promising economic expansion. Second, factor market reforms – addressing land, labor, and capital – are often more difficult but more crucial than product market liberalization. India's failure to reform these foundational elements has constrained its manufacturing potential and job creation. Finally, sustainable development requires balancing competing priorities transparently rather than through obfuscation or denial. The path forward lies not in choosing between state and market but in reimagining both – creating a state that enables markets to function efficiently while ensuring that growth translates into improved living standards for all citizens. By learning from both its successes and failures, India can build an economic model that harnesses its demographic dividend, entrepreneurial energy, and democratic foundations to achieve inclusive and sustainable prosperity.

Best Quote

“The name ‘JSW’, you will note, is not particularly imaginative. Nor is it the kind of thing you would imagine is incredible intellectual property. Yet, in 2014, JSW Steel told shareholders that it would pay Rs 125 crore a year to a firm entirely owned by Sajjan Jindal’s wife, Sangita. In return, Sangita Jindal would graciously permit her husband to use the ‘JSW’ acronym, which JSW Steel insists her company, JSW Investments, owns.” ― Mihir S. Sharma, Restart: The Last Chance for the Indian Economy

Review Summary

Strengths: The book is filled with hilarious anecdotes and acerbic yet stylish prose, making it an enjoyable read. The author's ability to craft engaging and witty descriptions is highlighted as a significant strength.\nWeaknesses: The book contains contradictory advice, particularly in addressing societal issues such as employment and gender roles. The author does not reconcile these contradictions or provide comprehensive solutions to the problems discussed.\nOverall Sentiment: Mixed. While the reviewer appreciates the humor and writing style, they express frustration with the lack of coherent solutions to the issues presented.\nKey Takeaway: The book offers an entertaining critique of Indian society with sharp prose and humor, but it falls short in providing consistent or practical solutions to the complex issues it addresses.

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