
Work
A Deep History, from the Stone Age to the Age of Robots
Categories
Business, Nonfiction, Philosophy, Science, History, Economics, Anthropology, Audiobook, Sociology, Society
Content Type
Book
Binding
Hardcover
Year
2021
Publisher
Penguin Press
Language
English
ASIN
0525561757
ISBN
0525561757
ISBN13
9780525561750
File Download
PDF | EPUB
Work Plot Summary
Introduction
As the last Ice Age retreated around 12,000 years ago, small groups of humans in the Middle East began an experiment that would forever change our species' trajectory. Rather than continuing the nomadic hunting and gathering lifestyle that had sustained humanity for hundreds of thousands of years, these pioneers began deliberately planting seeds and tending to wild grains. This seemingly simple shift—from foraging to farming—triggered the most profound transformation in human history, reshaping not just how we obtain food, but how we organize societies, perceive time, relate to our environment, and understand ourselves. The agricultural revolution represents a fascinating paradox. While it enabled unprecedented population growth and eventually gave rise to cities, writing, and complex civilizations, it also introduced new forms of inequality, disease, and environmental degradation. By examining this pivotal transition through archaeological discoveries like Göbekli Tepe and the Natufian settlements, we gain insight into how humans transformed from egalitarian foragers into hierarchical farmers, and how this ancient shift continues to shape our modern world in ways we rarely recognize. This exploration offers valuable perspective for anyone interested in understanding the deep historical roots of contemporary challenges from climate change to social inequality.
Chapter 1: The Natufian Experiment: First Steps Toward Cultivation (12,000 BCE)
The end of the last Ice Age around 12,000 BCE marked a profound turning point in human history. As the Younger Dryas period came to an abrupt end and global temperatures began to rise, a remarkable group called the Natufians emerged in the fertile regions of the modern-day Middle East. Unlike their nomadic ancestors who had hunted and gathered for hundreds of thousands of years, these innovative people began experimenting with something revolutionary: the deliberate cultivation of wild grains. Archaeological evidence from sites near the Dead Sea in Jordan reveals sophisticated purpose-built granaries dating to approximately 11,500 years ago. These weren't simple storage pits but carefully designed structures with elevated wooden floors specifically engineered to keep pests away and prevent moisture damage. The presence of these granaries adjacent to what appear to be food-distribution buildings suggests a level of social organization previously unseen in human societies. Their advanced design indicates they were the product of many generations of experimentation and refinement. The Natufians' shift toward food production was likely driven by climate change. The Younger Dryas period (approximately 12,900 to 11,700 years ago) brought significantly colder and drier conditions to the region, threatening the wild food resources these communities had traditionally relied upon. Rather than migrating to more hospitable areas, the Natufians responded by intensifying their relationship with certain plants, particularly wild cereals like wheat and barley. They developed specialized tools for harvesting and processing these grains, including sickles with flint blades and grinding stones. This agricultural experimentation coincided with the first evidence of permanent settlements. As people invested more time in cultivating and protecting their crops, they became increasingly tied to specific locations. Archaeological sites like Ain Mallaha in Israel show evidence of substantial dwellings, communal buildings, and even ceremonial spaces. The Natufians were no longer just passing through the landscape; they were transforming it to suit their needs and creating the first true villages. Perhaps most significantly, the Natufian revolution fundamentally altered human relationships with food, time, and each other. For the first time, communities were producing surpluses that could be stored for future use, creating new concepts of property, wealth, and social hierarchy. This surplus production also allowed some individuals to pursue specialized crafts and activities beyond food procurement, laying the groundwork for the complex division of labor that would characterize later civilizations. The Natufian revolution represents the crucial first step in humanity's transition from foraging to farming – a transformation that would ultimately reshape not just human society but the entire planet. While many communities continued to resist agricultural adoption for thousands of years afterward, the seeds of a new way of life had been planted, and their growth would prove unstoppable.
Chapter 2: Göbekli Tepe: Monumental Architecture Before Agriculture
In 1994, German archaeologist Klaus Schmidt made a discovery that would fundamentally challenge our understanding of early human civilization. On a hilltop near Orencik in southeastern Turkey, he uncovered what he would later describe as a "Stone Age zoo" – Göbekli Tepe, a complex of buildings, chambers, megaliths, and passageways that predated Stonehenge by over 6,000 years and the Egyptian pyramids by 7,000 years. Dating to approximately 9600 BCE, Göbekli Tepe represents the oldest known example of monumental architecture in human history. The site features massive T-shaped limestone pillars, some standing up to 23 feet tall and weighing as much as eight tons, arranged in circular enclosures. What makes these pillars particularly remarkable is their elaborate decoration – carved into each are detailed images of animals including scorpions, foxes, boars, vultures, and hyenas. Some pillars clearly represent anthropomorphic figures, with human arms, hands, and clothing elements carved into the stone. The construction of Göbekli Tepe upends the conventional narrative about the relationship between agriculture and monumental architecture. Traditional archaeological thinking held that only well-established farming societies could generate the surpluses necessary to support specialized craftspeople and organize large-scale construction projects. Yet Göbekli Tepe was built at least a millennium before the appearance of domesticated cereals or animals in the archaeological record. This suggests that the impetus to create monumental structures may have preceded and perhaps even motivated the development of intensive agriculture, rather than resulting from it. The purpose of Göbekli Tepe remains enigmatic. Some archaeologists have suggested it served as a temple complex, while others propose it may have been a gathering place for seasonal feasts. The recovery of human skull fragments showing signs of manipulation and decoration has led some researchers to speculate that the site may have housed an ancient "skull cult." Whatever its specific function, Göbekli Tepe clearly served as a center for communal activity that brought together large groups of people who were still primarily hunter-gatherers. Building such an elaborate complex would have required an unprecedented level of social organization and coordination. Construction was likely seasonal, taking place during winter months when food-gathering activities were less intensive. Given the limited lifespan of individuals at the time – rarely exceeding 40 years – it's unlikely that anyone who participated in starting construction on any of the larger enclosures would have lived to see its completion. This suggests a remarkable continuity of purpose and vision across generations. Perhaps most significantly, Göbekli Tepe represents the first clear evidence of humans securing sufficient surplus energy to work collectively over many consecutive generations to achieve a grand vision unrelated to immediate survival needs. It marks the emergence of a society with specialized roles – skilled masons, artists, carvers, designers – who depended on others to feed them while they focused on their craft. In this sense, Göbekli Tepe stands as the first unambiguous evidence of a fundamental shift in human social organization that would eventually give rise to cities, states, and civilizations.
Chapter 3: The Agricultural Paradox: Abundance Creates Scarcity
Approximately 2,000 years after the first monoliths at Göbekli Tepe were erected, something remarkable happened. Dozens, perhaps hundreds of ancient Anatolians gathered at the site and systematically filled in its passageways, chambers, and enclosures with rubble and sand, effectively burying the entire complex. This deliberate act of architectural erasure required a level of organization comparable to that which built the monument in the first place, suggesting a profound shift in cultural priorities or beliefs. By the time of Göbekli Tepe's inhumation around 7600 BCE, agriculture had spread throughout much of the Middle East. Small farming settlements dotted the landscape from the Sinai Peninsula through eastern Turkey and along the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers. Archaeological sites from this period contain abundant evidence of domesticated wheat and other crops, specialized agricultural tools, and the bones of early domesticated animals like sheep, goats, and cattle. Some Levantine farmers had even taken to the seas, establishing settlements on Cyprus and Crete that would later serve as launching points for agriculture's expansion into southern Europe. The transition to farming brought profound changes to human health and quality of life – many of them negative. Osteological studies of human remains from early agricultural societies reveal a grim picture of nutritional deficiencies, anemia, bone deformations from repetitive labor, and an alarming array of work-related injuries. At Çatalhöyük, a large settlement in south-central Turkey that housed over 6,000 people at its peak, skeletal remains show "elevated exposure to disease and labor demands" and "increasing stresses due to heightened workload" over nearly twelve centuries of occupation. Contrary to popular belief, the agricultural revolution did not extend human lifespans; if anything, it shortened them relative to those of hunter-gatherers. Perhaps the most significant change brought by agriculture was a fundamental shift in humans' relationship with scarcity. While both farmers and foragers experienced seasonal food shortages, farming societies were far more vulnerable to severe, existential famines. Foragers typically relied on dozens of different food sources and could adjust their diets to align with an ecosystem's dynamic responses to changing conditions. Farmers, by contrast, depended on just one or two staple crops, making them extremely vulnerable to droughts, floods, and untimely frosts. They also faced threats from crop diseases, livestock pathogens, and a host of pests ranging from insects to elephants. The agricultural revolution also transformed human social organization. As farming populations grew, territory and resources like good soils and water assumed greater value, leading to increased competition and conflict. Archaeological sites from early Neolithic Europe frequently contain evidence of fortified villages and mass graves showing signs of violence. The need to defend agricultural resources likely contributed to the emergence of specialized warrior classes and eventually standing armies – social developments that would have been unnecessary and impractical in mobile foraging societies. Despite these challenges, agriculture continued to spread because it was ultimately more productive than foraging, allowing populations to recover quickly after setbacks. This productivity came at the cost of creating societies perpetually skating on the dangerous edge of their environmental limits, where the specter of scarcity became not an occasional inconvenience but a perennial problem. For the hundreds of generations of farmers who lived before the fossil-fuel revolution, life was mostly shorter, bleaker, and harder than that of their foraging ancestors – and arguably than ours today.
Chapter 4: Urban Transformation: Specialization and Social Hierarchy
The ability to produce and store food surpluses fundamentally transformed human societies, creating new forms of wealth, power, and social stratification. In the earliest agricultural communities, these surpluses were often shared communally, but as settlements grew larger and more complex, control over food resources became increasingly concentrated in fewer hands. This process laid the groundwork for the emergence of inequality on a scale previously unknown in human history. Archaeological evidence from ancient Mesopotamian cities like Uruk provides insight into how early agricultural societies were organized. By around 4500 years ago, citizens of Uruk had been divided into five distinct social classes. At the top were royalty and nobility, who claimed their privileged status through descent from ancient kings and kinship with gods. Below them were priests and priestesses, who served as intermediaries between humans and deities while also functioning as bureaucrats managing important urban resources. The middle ranks included soldiers, accountants, architects, and wealthy merchants, while the working classes of tradespeople and farmers occupied the lower tiers. At the very bottom were slaves, who weren't even considered proper persons. This social stratification was directly tied to control over food production and distribution. The earliest writing systems, which emerged in cities like Uruk around 5,000 years ago, were primarily developed to keep track of agricultural surpluses, taxes, and trade. Clay tablets from this period record transactions involving grain, beer, and other commodities, as well as the allocation of rations to workers. These administrative systems allowed elites to centralize and manage resources on an unprecedented scale. The development of large-scale storage facilities further reinforced these power dynamics. Granaries and warehouses became not just practical necessities but symbols of wealth and authority. Those who controlled these structures – typically religious institutions or palace complexes – effectively controlled the community's food security and could extract labor and loyalty in exchange for access to stored resources. During times of scarcity, this power became even more pronounced, as dependence on centralized food reserves could mean the difference between survival and starvation. Interestingly, the archaeological record suggests that feasting played a crucial role in both reinforcing and mitigating inequality in early agricultural societies. Evidence from sites throughout the ancient world indicates that periodic communal feasts served as mechanisms for redistributing wealth and reinforcing social bonds. At the same time, the ability to host lavish feasts became an important way for elites to display their status and cement their authority. The remains of feasting events at Göbekli Tepe, for instance, include bones from at least twenty-one different mammal species and sixty bird species – a remarkable diversity that speaks to the site's importance as a center for communal consumption. As agricultural societies grew more complex, the gap between elites and commoners widened. In the first urban civilizations of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley, monumental architecture and elaborate burial practices provide clear evidence of dramatic wealth disparities. The construction of ziggurats, pyramids, and palaces required the mobilization of vast labor forces working under centralized direction – something only possible in societies where some individuals could command the work of many others.
Chapter 5: Expanding Horizons: Trade Networks and Knowledge Exchange
The development of agriculture and the rise of cities created unprecedented opportunities for long-distance trade and technological exchange. As communities began producing surpluses and specializing in particular crafts or resources, they established networks of exchange that connected distant regions and facilitated the spread of innovations across cultural boundaries. These expanding horizons of commerce and communication laid the groundwork for increasingly complex civilizations. Archaeological evidence reveals sophisticated trade networks extending thousands of miles even in very early agricultural societies. By the fourth millennium BCE, lapis lazuli from Afghanistan was appearing in Mesopotamian temples, Egyptian tombs contained cedar from Lebanon, and Baltic amber was reaching Mediterranean shores. These luxury goods traveled along routes that also carried more practical commodities like metals, textiles, and foodstuffs. The development of specialized transport technologies – from pack animals and wheeled vehicles to sailing ships – made these exchanges increasingly efficient and extensive. Ancient Rome represents perhaps the most impressive example of pre-industrial trade integration. At its height, the Roman Empire maintained a commercial network that stretched from Britain to the Persian Gulf, from the Rhine to the Nile. The million citizens of Rome itself consumed olives from Portugal, fish from the Black Sea, spices from India, and grain from North Africa. This cosmopolitan consumption was made possible by sophisticated infrastructure – roads, harbors, warehouses – and complex financial instruments including contracts, loans, and insurance. Beyond material goods, these trade networks facilitated the exchange of ideas, technologies, and cultural practices. Innovations that emerged in one region could spread rapidly across vast distances, often being adapted and improved along the way. The spread of metallurgical techniques provides a striking example: the knowledge of bronze-working diffused from the Middle East across Europe, while independently developed iron-working technologies from Africa reached the Mediterranean and eventually transformed European societies. Similarly, agricultural techniques and crop varieties traveled along trade routes, allowing communities to adopt plants and farming methods suited to their local conditions. Cities served as crucial nodes in these networks of exchange. Urban centers like Uruk, Memphis, and later Athens, Rome, and Chang'an (modern Xi'an) functioned as commercial hubs where merchants from different regions could meet, exchange goods, and share information. These cities developed specialized infrastructure to facilitate trade, including markets, warehouses, and financial institutions. They also became centers of innovation, as the concentration of diverse skills and knowledge created environments where new technologies and practices could emerge and spread. The merchants who facilitated these exchanges often achieved considerable wealth and status, sometimes rivaling traditional elites like nobles and priests. In ancient Mesopotamia, for example, wealthy traders could ascend to positions of significant influence, as exemplified by Queen Kubaba of Kish, who reportedly began her career as a tavern keeper before rising to royal power. Similarly, in classical Greece and Rome, successful merchants could translate their commercial wealth into political and social capital, though they were often viewed with ambivalence by aristocratic elites.
Chapter 6: The Legacy of Agriculture: How Farming Shaped Modern Society
The transition from foraging to farming fundamentally transformed humanity's relationship with time. Hunter-gatherers like the Ju/'hoansi focused almost exclusively on the present or immediate future, going hunting when hungry and moving camp when water sources dried up. Their lives followed natural rhythms rather than artificial schedules, and they saw little substantive difference between their existence and that of their ancestors. Time for them was abundant, cyclical, and rarely accounted for in terms of scarcity. Agriculture introduced an entirely different temporal orientation. Farming required people to live simultaneously in the past, present, and future. Almost every agricultural task focused on achieving future goals based on past experience. A cultivator would clear land, prepare soil, sow seeds, and tend crops so that, months later, they might harvest enough to support themselves through the next seasonal cycle. This forward-looking orientation transformed time itself into a resource that could be invested, budgeted, and potentially wasted. The seasonal nature of agriculture imposed rigid temporal structures on farming communities. Unlike foragers who could spontaneously take a day off without serious consequences, farmers operated within inflexible windows for planting, harvesting, and other critical activities. Missing these windows could mean the difference between abundance and scarcity, between survival and starvation. This reality is reflected in the construction of monumental calendars like Stonehenge, built by Neolithic farmers around 5,100 years ago specifically to track the passage of seasons and mark solstices. Benjamin Franklin's famous adage that "time is money" has deep roots in agricultural thinking. While the phrase itself dates to the 18th century, the concept that time could be exchanged for future rewards was fundamental to farming communities for thousands of years. When farmers invested labor into their land, they did so with the expectation of future returns – effectively creating a debt relationship in which the land "owed" them a harvest. This transactional view of time and effort extended to human relationships as well. In farming societies, sharing beyond the immediate household was typically framed as an exchange rather than an unconditional gift. The monetization of time became even more pronounced with the emergence of urban economies. In ancient Mesopotamian cities like Uruk, complex credit systems developed based on the agricultural calendar. Farmers would take loans from merchants or temple officials during planting seasons, to be repaid after harvest. These credit arrangements were recorded on clay tablets – the world's first accounting ledgers – and formed the basis of the earliest monetary systems. Contrary to Adam Smith's influential theory that money evolved from barter, archaeological evidence suggests it originated in these agricultural debt relationships. Agricultural societies also developed new concepts of property and ownership tied to their investment of time and labor. Where foragers saw themselves as part of the landscape with no clear boundaries between "nature" and "culture," farmers divided the world into domesticated and wild spaces. Fields, gardens, and pastures that had been rendered productive through human effort became cultural spaces requiring constant maintenance and protection. This distinction between the wild and the tame, the natural and the cultural, continues to shape how we perceive our relationship with the environment today.
Summary
Throughout human history, the evolution of agriculture has been driven by a fundamental tension between abundance and scarcity. The Natufian experiments with wild grain cultivation around 12,000 BCE emerged as a response to environmental pressures, yet paradoxically created new forms of vulnerability. As societies transitioned from foraging to farming, they gained the ability to produce unprecedented surpluses but simultaneously became hostage to new risks – crop failures, livestock diseases, and population pressures that constantly threatened to outstrip resources. This dynamic shaped everything from social hierarchies and urban development to concepts of time and property. The monumental architecture of Göbekli Tepe stands as a testament to the creative potential unleashed by agricultural surpluses, while the skeletal evidence of nutritional deficiencies and labor-induced deformities from sites like Çatalhöyük reveals the harsh realities of early farming life. This tension between productivity and precarity continued to define agricultural societies for thousands of years, driving both technological innovation and social stratification. The agricultural revolution's most enduring legacy may be how it fundamentally altered human perception and social organization. By creating the conditions for permanent settlements, specialized labor, and accumulated wealth, it established patterns that continue to shape our world today. The division between "nature" and "culture" that emerged with farming still influences how we relate to our environment. The concept of time as a scarce resource that can be invested for future returns underlies modern economic thinking. The occupational communities that formed in ancient cities prefigured our contemporary work-based identities. And the networks of trade and exchange that connected early agricultural societies laid the groundwork for our globalized world. Understanding this transformative process offers valuable perspective on contemporary challenges – from environmental sustainability to economic inequality – by revealing how deeply our present circumstances are rooted in the momentous shift that began when our ancestors first planted seeds in deliberately prepared soil.
Best Quote
“The equation of taxation and theft is as old as extortion” ― James Suzman, Work: A History of How we spend our Time
Review Summary
Strengths: Suzman's ability to integrate anthropology, history, and economics provides a comprehensive view of work's evolution. The narrative style is engaging, making complex topics accessible. Insightful exploration of work's impact on society and individual lives is a significant positive. The book's storytelling effectively provokes thought about the cultural constructs of work.\nWeaknesses: Some readers find the historical analysis dense and occasionally overwhelming. The book could benefit from a deeper exploration of contemporary work issues like gig economies and automation.\nOverall Sentiment: Reception is largely positive, with appreciation for the thorough research and engaging narrative. Many find it thought-provoking and recommend it for its unique perspective on work.\nKey Takeaway: Suzman presents work as a cultural construct that has evolved over time, challenging traditional notions and offering a holistic view of its role in human life.
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Work
By James Suzman